向日本宣战(美国总统罗斯福)
FRANKLIN D. ROOSEVELT'S PEARL HARBOR SPEECH
Declaration of War
December 8, 1941
To the Congress of the United States:
Yesterday, Dec. 7, 1941 - a date which will live in infamy - the United States of America was suddenly and deliberately attacked by naval and air forces of the Empire of Japan.
The United States was at peace with that nation and, at the solicitation of Japan, was still in conversation with the government and its emperor looking toward the maintenance of peace in the Pacific.
Indeed, one hour after Japanese air squadrons had commenced bombing in Oahu, the Japanese ambassador to the United States and his colleagues delivered to the Secretary of State a formal reply to a recent American message. While this reply stated that it seemed useless to continue the existing diplomatic negotiations, it contained no threat or hint of war or armed attack.
It will be recorded that the distance of Hawaii from Japan makes it obvious that the attack was deliberately planned many days or even weeks ago. During the intervening time, the Japanese government has deliberately sought to deceive the United States by false statements and expressions of hope for continued peace.
The attack yesterday on the Hawaiian islands has caused severe damage to American naval and military forces. Very many American lives have been lost. In addition, American ships have been reported torpedoed on the high seas between San Francisco and Honolulu.
Yesterday, the Japanese government also launched an attack against Malaya.
Last night, Japanese forces attacked Hong Kong.
Last night, Japanese forces attacked Guam.
Last night, Japanese forces attacked the Philippine Islands.
Last night, the Japanese attacked Wake Island.
This morning, the Japanese attacked Midway Island.
Japan has, therefore, undertaken a surprise offensive extending throughout the Pacific area. The facts of yesterday speak for themselves. The people of the United States have already formed their opinions and well understand the implications to the very life and safety of our nation.
As commander in chief of the Army and Navy, I have directed that all measures be taken for our defense.
Always will we remember the character of the onslaught against us.
No matter how long it may take us to overcome this premeditated invasion, the American people in their righteous might will win through to absolute victory.
I believe I interpret the will of the Congress and of the people when I assert that we will not only defend ourselves to the uttermost, but will make very certain that this form of treachery shall never endanger us again.
Hostilities exist. There is no blinking at the fact that that our people, our territory and our interests are in grave danger.
With confidence in our armed forces - with the unbounding determination of our people - we will gain the inevitable triumph - so help us God.
I ask that the Congress declare that since the unprovoked and dastardly attack by Japan on Sunday, Dec. 7, a state of war has existed between the United States and the Japanese empire.
要求国会对日本宣战
富兰克林·德拉诺·罗斯福
副总统先生、议长先生、各位参议员和众议员：
昨天，1941年12月7日，将成为我国的国耻日。美利坚合众国遭到了日本帝国海、空军有预谋的突然袭击。
在此之前，美国同日本处于和平状态，并应日本之请同该国政府及天皇谈判，指望维持太平洋区域的和平。
日本空军部队在美国的瓦胡岛。开始轰炸一小时后，日本驻美大使及其同僚居然还向美国国务卿递交正式复函，回答美国最近致日本的一封函件。这份复函虽然声言目前的外交谈判已无继续之必要，但却未有威胁的言词，也没有暗示将发动战争或采取军事行动。
夏威夷岛距日本的距离说明此次袭击显然是许多天前甚至几星期前所策划的，此事将记录在案。在此期间，日本政府有意用虚伪的声明和表示继续保持和平的愿望欺骗美国。
日本昨天对夏威夷群岛的袭击，给美国海、陆军造成了严重的破坏。我遗憾地告诉你们：许许多多美国人被炸死。同时，据报告，若干艘美国船只在旧金山与火奴鲁鲁之间的公海上被水雷击中。
昨天，日本政府还发动了对马来亚的袭击。
昨夜日本部队袭击了香港。
昨夜日本部队袭击了关岛。
昨夜日本部队袭击了菲律宾群岛。
昨夜日本部队袭击了威克岛。
今晨日本人袭击了中途岛。
这样，日本就在整个太平洋区域发动了全面的突然袭击。昨天和今天的情况已说明了事实的真相。美国人民已经清楚地了解到这是关系我国存亡安危的问题。
作为海、陆军总司令，我已指令采取一切手段进行防御。
我们将永远记住对我们这次袭击的性质。
无论需要多长时间去击败这次预谋的侵略，美国人民正义在手，有力量夺取彻底的胜利。
我保证我们将完全确保我们的安全，确保我们永不再受到这种背信弃义行为的危害，我相信这话说出了国会和人民的意志。
大敌当前，我国人民、领土和利益正处于极度危险的状态，我们决不可稍有懈怠。
我们相信我们的军队、我们的人民有无比坚定的决心，因此，胜利必定属于我们。愿上帝保佑我们。
我要求国会宣布：由于日本在1941年12月7日星期日对我国无故进行卑鄙的袭击，美国同日本已经处于战争状态。
2009年8月22日星期六
美国总统小布什的就职演说2001
美国总统小布什的就职演说2001
Following one of the most controversial presidential elections in United States history, newly elected president George W. Bush gave the following inaugural address on January 20, 2001, in Washington, D.C. After thanking his opponent in the election, Democratic vice president Al Gore, “for a contest conducted with spirit and ended with grace,” the Republican Bush went on to echo many of the themes of his campaign, including his philosophy of “compassionate conservatism.(温情保守主义)”
President Clinton, distinguished guests, and my fellow citizens, the peaceful transfer of authority is rare in history, yet common in our country. With a simple oath, we affirm old traditions and make new beginnings.
As I begin, I thank President Clinton for his service to our nation.
And I thank Vice President Gore for a contest conducted with spirit and ended with grace.
I am honored and humbled to stand here, where so many of America's leaders have come before me, and so many will follow.
We have a place, all of us, in a long story—a story we continue, but whose end we will not see. It is the story of a new world that became a friend and liberator of the old, a story of a slave-holding society that became a servant of freedom, the story of a power that went into the world to protect but not possess, to defend but not to conquer.
It is the American story—a story of flawed and fallible people, united across the generations by grand and enduring ideals.
The grandest of these ideals is an unfolding American promise that everyone belongs, that everyone deserves a chance, that no insignificant person was ever born.
Americans are called to enact this promise in our lives and in our laws. And though our nation has sometimes halted, and sometimes delayed, we must follow no other course.
Through much of the last century, America's faith in freedom and democracy was a rock in a raging sea. Now it is a seed upon the wind, taking root in many nations.
Our democratic faith is more than the creed of our country, it is the inborn hope of our humanity, an ideal we carry but do not own, a trust we bear and pass along. And even after nearly 225 years, we have a long way yet to travel.
While many of our citizens prosper, others doubt the promise, even the justice, of our own country. The ambitions of some Americans are limited by failing schools and hidden prejudice and the circumstances of their birth. And sometimes our differences run so deep, it seems we share a continent, but not a country.
We do not accept this, and we will not allow it. Our unity, our union, is the serious work of leaders and citizens in every generation. And this is my solemn pledge: I will work to build a single nation of justice and opportunity.
I know this is in our reach because we are guided by a power larger than ourselves who creates us equal in His image.
And we are confident in principles that unite and lead us onward.
America has never been united by blood or birth or soil. We are bound by ideals that move us beyond our backgrounds, lift us above our interests and teach us what it means to be citizens. Every child must be taught these principles. Every citizen must uphold them. And every immigrant, by embracing these ideals, makes our country more, not less, American.
Today we affirm a new commitment to live out our nation's promise through civility, courage, compassion, and character.
America, at its best, matches a commitment to principle with a concern for civility. A civil society demands from each of us good will and respect, fair dealing and forgiveness.
Some seem to believe that our politics can afford to be petty because, in a time of peace, the stakes of our debates appear small.
But the stakes for America are never small. If our country does not lead the cause of freedom, it will not be led. If we do not turn the hearts of children toward knowledge and character, we will lose their gifts and undermine their idealism. If we permit our economy to drift and decline, the vulnerable will suffer most.
We must live up to the calling we share. Civility is not a tactic or a sentiment. It is the determined choice of trust over cynicism, of community over chaos. And this commitment, if we keep it, is a way to shared accomplishment.
America, at its best, is also courageous.
Our national courage has been clear in times of depression and war, when defending common dangers defined our common good. Now we must choose if the example of our fathers and mothers will inspire us or condemn us. We must show courage in a time of blessing by confronting problems instead of passing them on to future generations.
Together, we will reclaim America's schools, before ignorance and apathy claim more young lives.
We will reform Social Security and Medicare, sparing our children from struggles we have the power to prevent. And we will reduce taxes, to recover the momentum of our economy and reward the effort and enterprise of working Americans.
We will build our defenses beyond challenge, lest weakness invite challenge.
We will confront weapons of mass destruction, so that a new century is spared new horrors.
The enemies of liberty and our country should make no mistake: America remains engaged in the world by history and by choice, shaping a balance of power that favors freedom. We will defend our allies and our interests. We will show purpose without arrogance. We will meet aggression and bad faith with resolve and strength. And to all nations, we will speak for the values that gave our nation birth.
America, at its best, is compassionate. In the quiet of American conscience, we know that deep, persistent poverty is unworthy of our nation's promise.
And whatever our views of its cause, we can agree that children at risk are not at fault. Abandonment and abuse are not acts of God, they are failures of love.
And the proliferation of prisons, however necessary, is no substitute for hope and order in our souls.
Where there is suffering, there is duty. Americans in need are not strangers, they are citizens; not problems, but priorities. And all of us are diminished when any are hopeless.
Government has great responsibilities for public safety and public health, for civil rights and common schools. Yet compassion is the work of a nation, not just a government.
And some needs and hurts are so deep they will only respond to a mentor's touch or a pastor's prayer. Church and charity, synagogue and mosque lend our communities their humanity, and they will have an honored place in our plans and in our laws.
Many in our country do not know the pain of poverty, but we can listen to those who do.
And I can pledge our nation to a goal: When we see that wounded traveler on the road to Jericho, we will not pass to the other side.
America, at its best, is a place where personal responsibility is valued and expected.
Encouraging responsibility is not a search for scapegoats, it is a call to conscience. And though it requires sacrifice, it brings a deeper fulfillment. We find the fullness of life not only in options, but in commitments. And we find that children and community are the commitments that set us free.
Our public interest depends on private character, on civic duty and family bonds and basic fairness, on uncounted, unhonored acts of decency which give direction to our freedom.
Sometimes in life we are called to do great things. But as a saint of our times has said, every day we are called to do small things with great love. The most important tasks of a democracy are done by everyone.
I will live and lead by these principles: to advance my convictions with civility, to pursue the public interest with courage, to speak for greater justice and compassion, to call for responsibility and try to live it as well.
In all these ways, I will bring the values of our history to the care of our times.
What you do is as important as anything government does. I ask you to seek a common good beyond your comfort; to defend needed reforms against easy attacks; to serve your nation, beginning with your neighbor. I ask you to be citizens: citizens, not spectators; citizens, not subjects; responsible citizens, building communities of service and a nation of character.
Americans are generous and strong and decent, not because we believe in ourselves, but because we hold beliefs beyond ourselves. When this spirit of citizenship is missing, no government program can replace it. When this spirit is present, no wrong can stand against it.
After the Declaration of Independence was signed, Virginia statesman John Page wrote to Thomas Jefferson: “We know the race is not to the swift nor the battle to the strong. Do you not think an angel rides in the whirlwind and directs this storm?”
Much time has passed since Jefferson arrived for his inauguration. The years and changes accumulate. But the themes of this day he would know: our nation's grand story of courage and its simple dream of dignity.
We are not this story's author, who fills time and eternity with his purpose. Yet his purpose is achieved in our duty, and our duty is fulfilled in service to one another.
Never tiring, never yielding, never finishing, we renew that purpose today, to make our country more just and generous, to affirm the dignity of our lives and every life.
This work continues. This story goes on. And an angel still rides in the whirlwind and directs this storm.
God bless you all, and God bless America.
尊敬的芮恩奎斯特大法官，卡特总统，布什总统，克林顿总统，
尊敬的来宾们，我的同胞们，
这次权利的和平过渡在历史上是罕见的，但在美国是平常的。
我们以朴素的宣誓庄严地维护了古老的传统，同时开始了新的历程。
首先，我要感谢克林顿总统为这个国家作出的贡献，也感谢副总统
戈尔在竞选过程中的热情与风度。
站在这里，我很荣幸，也有点受宠若惊。在我之前，许多美国
领导人从这里起步；在我之后，也会有许多领导人从这里继续前进。
在美国悠久的历史中，我们每个人都有自己的位置；我们还在
继续推动着历史前进，但是我们不可能看到它的尽头。这是一部新世界的发展史，是一部后浪推前浪的历史。这是一部美国由奴隶制社会发展成为崇尚自由的社会的历史。这是一个强国保护而不是占有世界的历史，是捍卫而不是征服世界的历史。这就是美国史。它不是一部十全十美的民族发展史，但它是一部在伟大和永恒理想指导下几代人团结奋斗的历史。
这些理想中最伟大的是正在慢慢实现的美国的承诺，这就是：每个人都有自身的价值，每个人都有成功的机会，每个人天生都会有所作为的。美国人民肩负着一种使命，那就是要竭力将这个诺言变成生活中和法律上的现实。虽然我们的国家过去在追求实现这个承诺的途中停滞不前甚至倒退，但我们仍将坚定不移地完成这一使命。
在上个世纪的大部分时间里，美国自由民主的信念犹如汹涌大海中的岩石。现在它更像风中的种子，把自由带给每个民族。在我们的国家，民主不仅仅是一种信念，而是全人类的希望。民主，我们不会独占，而会竭力让大家分享。民主，我们将铭记于心并且不断传播。225年过去了，我们仍有很长的路要走。
有很多公民取得了成功，但也有人开始怀疑，怀疑我们自己的国家所许下的诺言，甚至怀疑它的公正。失败的教育，潜在的偏见和出身的环境限制了一些美国人的雄心。有时，我们的分歧是如此之深，似乎我们虽身处同一个大陆，但不属于同一个国家。我们不能接受这种分歧，也无法容许它的存在。我们的团结和统一，是每一代领导人和每一个公民的严肃使命。在此，我郑重宣誓：我将竭力建设一个公正、充满机会的统一国家。我知道这是我们的目标，因为上帝按自己的身形创造了我们，上帝高于一切的力量将引导我们前进。
对这些将我们团结起来并指引我们向前的原则，我们充满信心。血缘、出身或地域从未将美国联合起来。只有理想，才能使我们心系一处，超越自己，放弃个人利益，并逐步领会何谓公民。每个孩子都必须学习这些原则。每个公民都必须坚持这些原则。每个移民，只有接受这些原则，才能使我们的国家不丧失而更具美国特色。
今天，我们在这里重申一个新的信念，即通过发扬谦恭、勇气、同情心和个性的精神来实现我们国家的理想。美国在它最鼎盛时也没忘记遵循谦逊有礼的原则。一个文明的社会需要我们每个人品质优良，尊重他人，为人公平和宽宏大量。
有人认为我们的政治制度是如此的微不足道，因为在和平年代，我们所争论的话题都是无关紧要的。但是，对我们美国来说，我们所讨论的问题从来都不是什么小事。如果我们不领导和平事业，那么和平将无人来领导；如果我们不引导我们的孩子们真心地热爱知识、发挥个性，他们的天分将得不到发挥，理想将难以实现。如果我们不采取适当措施，任凭经济衰退，最大的受害者将是平民百姓。
我们应该时刻听取时代的呼唤。谦逊有礼不是战术也不是感情用事。这是我们最坚定的选择--在批评声中赢得信任；在混乱中寻求统一。如果遵循这样的承诺，我们将会享有共同的成就。
美国有强大的国力作后盾，将会勇往直前。
在大萧条和战争时期，我们的人民在困难面前表现得无比英勇，克服我们共同的困难体现了我们共同的优秀品质。现在，我们正面临着选择，如果我们作出正确的选择，祖辈一定会激励我们；如果我们的选择是错误的，祖辈会谴责我们的。上帝正眷顾着这个国家，我们必须显示出我们的勇气，敢于面对问题，而不是将它们遗留给我们的后代。
我们要共同努力，健全美国的学校教育，不能让无知和冷漠吞噬更多的年轻生命。我们要改革社会医疗和保险制度，在力所能及的范围内拯救我们的孩子。我们要减低税收，恢复经济，酬劳辛勤工作的美国人民。我们要防患于未然，懈怠会带来麻烦。我们还要阻止武器泛滥，使新的世纪摆脱恐怖的威胁。
反对自由和反对我们国家的人应该明白：美国仍将积极参与国际事务，力求世界力量的均衡，让自由的力量遍及全球。这是历史的选择。我们会保护我们的盟国，捍卫我们的利益。我们将谦逊地向世界人民表示我们的目标。我们将坚决反击各种侵略和不守信用的行径。我们要向全世界宣传孕育了我们伟大民族的价值观。
正处在鼎盛时期的美国也不缺乏同情心。
当我们静心思考，我们就会明了根深蒂固的贫穷根本不值得我国作出承诺。无论我们如何看待贫穷的原因，我们都必须承认，孩子敢于冒险不等于在犯错误。放纵与滥用都为上帝所不容。这些都是缺乏爱的结果。监狱数量的增长虽然看起来是有必要的，但并不能代替我们心中的希望-人人遵纪守法。
哪里有痛苦，我们的义务就在哪里。对我们来说，需要帮助的美国人不是陌生人，而是我们的公民；不是负担，而是急需救助的对象。当有人陷入绝望时，我们大家都会因此变得渺小。
对公共安全和大众健康，对民权和学校教育，政府都应负有极大的责任。然而，同情心不只是政府的职责，更是整个国家的义务。有些需要是如此的迫切，有些伤痕是如此的深刻，只有导师的爱抚、牧师的祈祷才能有所感触。不论是教堂还是慈善机构、犹太会堂还是清真寺，都赋予了我们的社会它们特有的人性，因此它们理应在我们的建设和法律上受到尊重。
我们国家的许多人都不知道贫穷的痛苦。但我们可以听到那些感触颇深的人们的倾诉。我发誓我们的国家要达到一种境界：当我们看见受伤的行人倒在远行的路上，我们决不会袖手旁观。
正处于鼎盛期的美国重视并期待每个人担负起自己的责任。
鼓励人们勇于承担责任不是让人们充当替罪羊，而是对人的良知的呼唤。虽然承担责任意味着牺牲个人利益，但是你能从中体会到一种更加深刻的成就感。
我们实现人生的完整不单是通过摆在我们面前的选择，而且是通过我们的实践来实现。我们知道，通过对整个社会和我们的孩子们尽我们的义务，我们将得到最终自由。
我们的公共利益依赖于我们独立的个性；依赖于我们的公民义务，家庭纽带和基本的公正；依赖于我们无数的、默默无闻的体面行动，正是它们指引我们走向自由。
在生活中，有时我们被召唤着去做一些惊天动地的事情。但是，正如我们时代的一位圣人所言，每一天我们都被召唤带着挚爱去做一些小事情。一个民主制度最重要的任务是由大家每一个人来完成的。
我为人处事的原则包括：坚信自己而不强加于人，为公众的利益勇往直前，追求正义而不乏同情心，勇担责任而决不推卸。我要通过这一切，用我们历史上传统价值观来哺育我们的时代。
(同胞们)，你们所做的一切和政府的工作同样重要。我希望你们不要仅仅追求个人享受而忽略公众的利益；要捍卫既定的改革措施，使其不会轻易被攻击；要从身边小事做起，为我们的国家效力。我希望你们成为真正的公民，而不是旁观者，更不是臣民。你们应成为有责任心的公民，共同来建设一个互帮互助的社会和有特色的国家。
美国人民慷慨、强大、体面，这并非因为我们信任我们自己，而是因为我们拥有超越我们自己的信念。一旦这种公民精神丧失了，无论何种政府计划都无法弥补它。一旦这种精神出现了，无论任何错误都无法抗衡它。
在《独立宣言》签署之后，弗吉尼亚州的政治家约翰·佩齐曾给托马斯·杰弗逊写信说："我们知道，身手敏捷不一定就能赢得比赛，力量强大不一定就能赢得战争。难道这一切不都是上帝安排的吗？"
杰斐逊就任总统的那个年代离我们已经很远了。时光飞逝，美国发生了翻天覆地的变化。但是有一点他肯定能够预知，即我们这个时代的主题仍然是：我们国家无畏向前的恢宏故事和它追求尊严的纯朴梦想。
我们不是这个故事的作者，是杰斐逊作者本人的伟大理想穿越时空，并通过我们每天的努力在变为现实。我们正在通过大家的努力在履行着各自的职责。
带着永不疲惫、永不气馁、永不完竭的信念，今天我们重树这样的目标：使我们的国家变得更加公正、更加慷慨，去验证我们每个人和所有人生命的尊严。
这项工作必须继续下去。这个故事必须延续下去。上帝会驾驭我们航行的。
愿上帝保佑大家！愿上帝保佑美国
Following one of the most controversial presidential elections in United States history, newly elected president George W. Bush gave the following inaugural address on January 20, 2001, in Washington, D.C. After thanking his opponent in the election, Democratic vice president Al Gore, “for a contest conducted with spirit and ended with grace,” the Republican Bush went on to echo many of the themes of his campaign, including his philosophy of “compassionate conservatism.(温情保守主义)”
President Clinton, distinguished guests, and my fellow citizens, the peaceful transfer of authority is rare in history, yet common in our country. With a simple oath, we affirm old traditions and make new beginnings.
As I begin, I thank President Clinton for his service to our nation.
And I thank Vice President Gore for a contest conducted with spirit and ended with grace.
I am honored and humbled to stand here, where so many of America's leaders have come before me, and so many will follow.
We have a place, all of us, in a long story—a story we continue, but whose end we will not see. It is the story of a new world that became a friend and liberator of the old, a story of a slave-holding society that became a servant of freedom, the story of a power that went into the world to protect but not possess, to defend but not to conquer.
It is the American story—a story of flawed and fallible people, united across the generations by grand and enduring ideals.
The grandest of these ideals is an unfolding American promise that everyone belongs, that everyone deserves a chance, that no insignificant person was ever born.
Americans are called to enact this promise in our lives and in our laws. And though our nation has sometimes halted, and sometimes delayed, we must follow no other course.
Through much of the last century, America's faith in freedom and democracy was a rock in a raging sea. Now it is a seed upon the wind, taking root in many nations.
Our democratic faith is more than the creed of our country, it is the inborn hope of our humanity, an ideal we carry but do not own, a trust we bear and pass along. And even after nearly 225 years, we have a long way yet to travel.
While many of our citizens prosper, others doubt the promise, even the justice, of our own country. The ambitions of some Americans are limited by failing schools and hidden prejudice and the circumstances of their birth. And sometimes our differences run so deep, it seems we share a continent, but not a country.
We do not accept this, and we will not allow it. Our unity, our union, is the serious work of leaders and citizens in every generation. And this is my solemn pledge: I will work to build a single nation of justice and opportunity.
I know this is in our reach because we are guided by a power larger than ourselves who creates us equal in His image.
And we are confident in principles that unite and lead us onward.
America has never been united by blood or birth or soil. We are bound by ideals that move us beyond our backgrounds, lift us above our interests and teach us what it means to be citizens. Every child must be taught these principles. Every citizen must uphold them. And every immigrant, by embracing these ideals, makes our country more, not less, American.
Today we affirm a new commitment to live out our nation's promise through civility, courage, compassion, and character.
America, at its best, matches a commitment to principle with a concern for civility. A civil society demands from each of us good will and respect, fair dealing and forgiveness.
Some seem to believe that our politics can afford to be petty because, in a time of peace, the stakes of our debates appear small.
But the stakes for America are never small. If our country does not lead the cause of freedom, it will not be led. If we do not turn the hearts of children toward knowledge and character, we will lose their gifts and undermine their idealism. If we permit our economy to drift and decline, the vulnerable will suffer most.
We must live up to the calling we share. Civility is not a tactic or a sentiment. It is the determined choice of trust over cynicism, of community over chaos. And this commitment, if we keep it, is a way to shared accomplishment.
America, at its best, is also courageous.
Our national courage has been clear in times of depression and war, when defending common dangers defined our common good. Now we must choose if the example of our fathers and mothers will inspire us or condemn us. We must show courage in a time of blessing by confronting problems instead of passing them on to future generations.
Together, we will reclaim America's schools, before ignorance and apathy claim more young lives.
We will reform Social Security and Medicare, sparing our children from struggles we have the power to prevent. And we will reduce taxes, to recover the momentum of our economy and reward the effort and enterprise of working Americans.
We will build our defenses beyond challenge, lest weakness invite challenge.
We will confront weapons of mass destruction, so that a new century is spared new horrors.
The enemies of liberty and our country should make no mistake: America remains engaged in the world by history and by choice, shaping a balance of power that favors freedom. We will defend our allies and our interests. We will show purpose without arrogance. We will meet aggression and bad faith with resolve and strength. And to all nations, we will speak for the values that gave our nation birth.
America, at its best, is compassionate. In the quiet of American conscience, we know that deep, persistent poverty is unworthy of our nation's promise.
And whatever our views of its cause, we can agree that children at risk are not at fault. Abandonment and abuse are not acts of God, they are failures of love.
And the proliferation of prisons, however necessary, is no substitute for hope and order in our souls.
Where there is suffering, there is duty. Americans in need are not strangers, they are citizens; not problems, but priorities. And all of us are diminished when any are hopeless.
Government has great responsibilities for public safety and public health, for civil rights and common schools. Yet compassion is the work of a nation, not just a government.
And some needs and hurts are so deep they will only respond to a mentor's touch or a pastor's prayer. Church and charity, synagogue and mosque lend our communities their humanity, and they will have an honored place in our plans and in our laws.
Many in our country do not know the pain of poverty, but we can listen to those who do.
And I can pledge our nation to a goal: When we see that wounded traveler on the road to Jericho, we will not pass to the other side.
America, at its best, is a place where personal responsibility is valued and expected.
Encouraging responsibility is not a search for scapegoats, it is a call to conscience. And though it requires sacrifice, it brings a deeper fulfillment. We find the fullness of life not only in options, but in commitments. And we find that children and community are the commitments that set us free.
Our public interest depends on private character, on civic duty and family bonds and basic fairness, on uncounted, unhonored acts of decency which give direction to our freedom.
Sometimes in life we are called to do great things. But as a saint of our times has said, every day we are called to do small things with great love. The most important tasks of a democracy are done by everyone.
I will live and lead by these principles: to advance my convictions with civility, to pursue the public interest with courage, to speak for greater justice and compassion, to call for responsibility and try to live it as well.
In all these ways, I will bring the values of our history to the care of our times.
What you do is as important as anything government does. I ask you to seek a common good beyond your comfort; to defend needed reforms against easy attacks; to serve your nation, beginning with your neighbor. I ask you to be citizens: citizens, not spectators; citizens, not subjects; responsible citizens, building communities of service and a nation of character.
Americans are generous and strong and decent, not because we believe in ourselves, but because we hold beliefs beyond ourselves. When this spirit of citizenship is missing, no government program can replace it. When this spirit is present, no wrong can stand against it.
After the Declaration of Independence was signed, Virginia statesman John Page wrote to Thomas Jefferson: “We know the race is not to the swift nor the battle to the strong. Do you not think an angel rides in the whirlwind and directs this storm?”
Much time has passed since Jefferson arrived for his inauguration. The years and changes accumulate. But the themes of this day he would know: our nation's grand story of courage and its simple dream of dignity.
We are not this story's author, who fills time and eternity with his purpose. Yet his purpose is achieved in our duty, and our duty is fulfilled in service to one another.
Never tiring, never yielding, never finishing, we renew that purpose today, to make our country more just and generous, to affirm the dignity of our lives and every life.
This work continues. This story goes on. And an angel still rides in the whirlwind and directs this storm.
God bless you all, and God bless America.
尊敬的芮恩奎斯特大法官，卡特总统，布什总统，克林顿总统，
尊敬的来宾们，我的同胞们，
这次权利的和平过渡在历史上是罕见的，但在美国是平常的。
我们以朴素的宣誓庄严地维护了古老的传统，同时开始了新的历程。
首先，我要感谢克林顿总统为这个国家作出的贡献，也感谢副总统
戈尔在竞选过程中的热情与风度。
站在这里，我很荣幸，也有点受宠若惊。在我之前，许多美国
领导人从这里起步；在我之后，也会有许多领导人从这里继续前进。
在美国悠久的历史中，我们每个人都有自己的位置；我们还在
继续推动着历史前进，但是我们不可能看到它的尽头。这是一部新世界的发展史，是一部后浪推前浪的历史。这是一部美国由奴隶制社会发展成为崇尚自由的社会的历史。这是一个强国保护而不是占有世界的历史，是捍卫而不是征服世界的历史。这就是美国史。它不是一部十全十美的民族发展史，但它是一部在伟大和永恒理想指导下几代人团结奋斗的历史。
这些理想中最伟大的是正在慢慢实现的美国的承诺，这就是：每个人都有自身的价值，每个人都有成功的机会，每个人天生都会有所作为的。美国人民肩负着一种使命，那就是要竭力将这个诺言变成生活中和法律上的现实。虽然我们的国家过去在追求实现这个承诺的途中停滞不前甚至倒退，但我们仍将坚定不移地完成这一使命。
在上个世纪的大部分时间里，美国自由民主的信念犹如汹涌大海中的岩石。现在它更像风中的种子，把自由带给每个民族。在我们的国家，民主不仅仅是一种信念，而是全人类的希望。民主，我们不会独占，而会竭力让大家分享。民主，我们将铭记于心并且不断传播。225年过去了，我们仍有很长的路要走。
有很多公民取得了成功，但也有人开始怀疑，怀疑我们自己的国家所许下的诺言，甚至怀疑它的公正。失败的教育，潜在的偏见和出身的环境限制了一些美国人的雄心。有时，我们的分歧是如此之深，似乎我们虽身处同一个大陆，但不属于同一个国家。我们不能接受这种分歧，也无法容许它的存在。我们的团结和统一，是每一代领导人和每一个公民的严肃使命。在此，我郑重宣誓：我将竭力建设一个公正、充满机会的统一国家。我知道这是我们的目标，因为上帝按自己的身形创造了我们，上帝高于一切的力量将引导我们前进。
对这些将我们团结起来并指引我们向前的原则，我们充满信心。血缘、出身或地域从未将美国联合起来。只有理想，才能使我们心系一处，超越自己，放弃个人利益，并逐步领会何谓公民。每个孩子都必须学习这些原则。每个公民都必须坚持这些原则。每个移民，只有接受这些原则，才能使我们的国家不丧失而更具美国特色。
今天，我们在这里重申一个新的信念，即通过发扬谦恭、勇气、同情心和个性的精神来实现我们国家的理想。美国在它最鼎盛时也没忘记遵循谦逊有礼的原则。一个文明的社会需要我们每个人品质优良，尊重他人，为人公平和宽宏大量。
有人认为我们的政治制度是如此的微不足道，因为在和平年代，我们所争论的话题都是无关紧要的。但是，对我们美国来说，我们所讨论的问题从来都不是什么小事。如果我们不领导和平事业，那么和平将无人来领导；如果我们不引导我们的孩子们真心地热爱知识、发挥个性，他们的天分将得不到发挥，理想将难以实现。如果我们不采取适当措施，任凭经济衰退，最大的受害者将是平民百姓。
我们应该时刻听取时代的呼唤。谦逊有礼不是战术也不是感情用事。这是我们最坚定的选择--在批评声中赢得信任；在混乱中寻求统一。如果遵循这样的承诺，我们将会享有共同的成就。
美国有强大的国力作后盾，将会勇往直前。
在大萧条和战争时期，我们的人民在困难面前表现得无比英勇，克服我们共同的困难体现了我们共同的优秀品质。现在，我们正面临着选择，如果我们作出正确的选择，祖辈一定会激励我们；如果我们的选择是错误的，祖辈会谴责我们的。上帝正眷顾着这个国家，我们必须显示出我们的勇气，敢于面对问题，而不是将它们遗留给我们的后代。
我们要共同努力，健全美国的学校教育，不能让无知和冷漠吞噬更多的年轻生命。我们要改革社会医疗和保险制度，在力所能及的范围内拯救我们的孩子。我们要减低税收，恢复经济，酬劳辛勤工作的美国人民。我们要防患于未然，懈怠会带来麻烦。我们还要阻止武器泛滥，使新的世纪摆脱恐怖的威胁。
反对自由和反对我们国家的人应该明白：美国仍将积极参与国际事务，力求世界力量的均衡，让自由的力量遍及全球。这是历史的选择。我们会保护我们的盟国，捍卫我们的利益。我们将谦逊地向世界人民表示我们的目标。我们将坚决反击各种侵略和不守信用的行径。我们要向全世界宣传孕育了我们伟大民族的价值观。
正处在鼎盛时期的美国也不缺乏同情心。
当我们静心思考，我们就会明了根深蒂固的贫穷根本不值得我国作出承诺。无论我们如何看待贫穷的原因，我们都必须承认，孩子敢于冒险不等于在犯错误。放纵与滥用都为上帝所不容。这些都是缺乏爱的结果。监狱数量的增长虽然看起来是有必要的，但并不能代替我们心中的希望-人人遵纪守法。
哪里有痛苦，我们的义务就在哪里。对我们来说，需要帮助的美国人不是陌生人，而是我们的公民；不是负担，而是急需救助的对象。当有人陷入绝望时，我们大家都会因此变得渺小。
对公共安全和大众健康，对民权和学校教育，政府都应负有极大的责任。然而，同情心不只是政府的职责，更是整个国家的义务。有些需要是如此的迫切，有些伤痕是如此的深刻，只有导师的爱抚、牧师的祈祷才能有所感触。不论是教堂还是慈善机构、犹太会堂还是清真寺，都赋予了我们的社会它们特有的人性，因此它们理应在我们的建设和法律上受到尊重。
我们国家的许多人都不知道贫穷的痛苦。但我们可以听到那些感触颇深的人们的倾诉。我发誓我们的国家要达到一种境界：当我们看见受伤的行人倒在远行的路上，我们决不会袖手旁观。
正处于鼎盛期的美国重视并期待每个人担负起自己的责任。
鼓励人们勇于承担责任不是让人们充当替罪羊，而是对人的良知的呼唤。虽然承担责任意味着牺牲个人利益，但是你能从中体会到一种更加深刻的成就感。
我们实现人生的完整不单是通过摆在我们面前的选择，而且是通过我们的实践来实现。我们知道，通过对整个社会和我们的孩子们尽我们的义务，我们将得到最终自由。
我们的公共利益依赖于我们独立的个性；依赖于我们的公民义务，家庭纽带和基本的公正；依赖于我们无数的、默默无闻的体面行动，正是它们指引我们走向自由。
在生活中，有时我们被召唤着去做一些惊天动地的事情。但是，正如我们时代的一位圣人所言，每一天我们都被召唤带着挚爱去做一些小事情。一个民主制度最重要的任务是由大家每一个人来完成的。
我为人处事的原则包括：坚信自己而不强加于人，为公众的利益勇往直前，追求正义而不乏同情心，勇担责任而决不推卸。我要通过这一切，用我们历史上传统价值观来哺育我们的时代。
(同胞们)，你们所做的一切和政府的工作同样重要。我希望你们不要仅仅追求个人享受而忽略公众的利益；要捍卫既定的改革措施，使其不会轻易被攻击；要从身边小事做起，为我们的国家效力。我希望你们成为真正的公民，而不是旁观者，更不是臣民。你们应成为有责任心的公民，共同来建设一个互帮互助的社会和有特色的国家。
美国人民慷慨、强大、体面，这并非因为我们信任我们自己，而是因为我们拥有超越我们自己的信念。一旦这种公民精神丧失了，无论何种政府计划都无法弥补它。一旦这种精神出现了，无论任何错误都无法抗衡它。
在《独立宣言》签署之后，弗吉尼亚州的政治家约翰·佩齐曾给托马斯·杰弗逊写信说："我们知道，身手敏捷不一定就能赢得比赛，力量强大不一定就能赢得战争。难道这一切不都是上帝安排的吗？"
杰斐逊就任总统的那个年代离我们已经很远了。时光飞逝，美国发生了翻天覆地的变化。但是有一点他肯定能够预知，即我们这个时代的主题仍然是：我们国家无畏向前的恢宏故事和它追求尊严的纯朴梦想。
我们不是这个故事的作者，是杰斐逊作者本人的伟大理想穿越时空，并通过我们每天的努力在变为现实。我们正在通过大家的努力在履行着各自的职责。
带着永不疲惫、永不气馁、永不完竭的信念，今天我们重树这样的目标：使我们的国家变得更加公正、更加慷慨，去验证我们每个人和所有人生命的尊严。
这项工作必须继续下去。这个故事必须延续下去。上帝会驾驭我们航行的。
愿上帝保佑大家！愿上帝保佑美国
美国总统小布什的就职演说2001
美国总统小布什的就职演说2001
Following one of the most controversial presidential elections in United States history, newly elected president George W. Bush gave the following inaugural address on January 20, 2001, in Washington, D.C. After thanking his opponent in the election, Democratic vice president Al Gore, “for a contest conducted with spirit and ended with grace,” the Republican Bush went on to echo many of the themes of his campaign, including his philosophy of “compassionate conservatism.(温情保守主义)”
President Clinton, distinguished guests, and my fellow citizens, the peaceful transfer of authority is rare in history, yet common in our country. With a simple oath, we affirm old traditions and make new beginnings.
As I begin, I thank President Clinton for his service to our nation.
And I thank Vice President Gore for a contest conducted with spirit and ended with grace.
I am honored and humbled to stand here, where so many of America's leaders have come before me, and so many will follow.
We have a place, all of us, in a long story—a story we continue, but whose end we will not see. It is the story of a new world that became a friend and liberator of the old, a story of a slave-holding society that became a servant of freedom, the story of a power that went into the world to protect but not possess, to defend but not to conquer.
It is the American story—a story of flawed and fallible people, united across the generations by grand and enduring ideals.
The grandest of these ideals is an unfolding American promise that everyone belongs, that everyone deserves a chance, that no insignificant person was ever born.
Americans are called to enact this promise in our lives and in our laws. And though our nation has sometimes halted, and sometimes delayed, we must follow no other course.
Through much of the last century, America's faith in freedom and democracy was a rock in a raging sea. Now it is a seed upon the wind, taking root in many nations.
Our democratic faith is more than the creed of our country, it is the inborn hope of our humanity, an ideal we carry but do not own, a trust we bear and pass along. And even after nearly 225 years, we have a long way yet to travel.
While many of our citizens prosper, others doubt the promise, even the justice, of our own country. The ambitions of some Americans are limited by failing schools and hidden prejudice and the circumstances of their birth. And sometimes our differences run so deep, it seems we share a continent, but not a country.
We do not accept this, and we will not allow it. Our unity, our union, is the serious work of leaders and citizens in every generation. And this is my solemn pledge: I will work to build a single nation of justice and opportunity.
I know this is in our reach because we are guided by a power larger than ourselves who creates us equal in His image.
And we are confident in principles that unite and lead us onward.
America has never been united by blood or birth or soil. We are bound by ideals that move us beyond our backgrounds, lift us above our interests and teach us what it means to be citizens. Every child must be taught these principles. Every citizen must uphold them. And every immigrant, by embracing these ideals, makes our country more, not less, American.
Today we affirm a new commitment to live out our nation's promise through civility, courage, compassion, and character.
America, at its best, matches a commitment to principle with a concern for civility. A civil society demands from each of us good will and respect, fair dealing and forgiveness.
Some seem to believe that our politics can afford to be petty because, in a time of peace, the stakes of our debates appear small.
But the stakes for America are never small. If our country does not lead the cause of freedom, it will not be led. If we do not turn the hearts of children toward knowledge and character, we will lose their gifts and undermine their idealism. If we permit our economy to drift and decline, the vulnerable will suffer most.
We must live up to the calling we share. Civility is not a tactic or a sentiment. It is the determined choice of trust over cynicism, of community over chaos. And this commitment, if we keep it, is a way to shared accomplishment.
America, at its best, is also courageous.
Our national courage has been clear in times of depression and war, when defending common dangers defined our common good. Now we must choose if the example of our fathers and mothers will inspire us or condemn us. We must show courage in a time of blessing by confronting problems instead of passing them on to future generations.
Together, we will reclaim America's schools, before ignorance and apathy claim more young lives.
We will reform Social Security and Medicare, sparing our children from struggles we have the power to prevent. And we will reduce taxes, to recover the momentum of our economy and reward the effort and enterprise of working Americans.
We will build our defenses beyond challenge, lest weakness invite challenge.
We will confront weapons of mass destruction, so that a new century is spared new horrors.
The enemies of liberty and our country should make no mistake: America remains engaged in the world by history and by choice, shaping a balance of power that favors freedom. We will defend our allies and our interests. We will show purpose without arrogance. We will meet aggression and bad faith with resolve and strength. And to all nations, we will speak for the values that gave our nation birth.
America, at its best, is compassionate. In the quiet of American conscience, we know that deep, persistent poverty is unworthy of our nation's promise.
And whatever our views of its cause, we can agree that children at risk are not at fault. Abandonment and abuse are not acts of God, they are failures of love.
And the proliferation of prisons, however necessary, is no substitute for hope and order in our souls.
Where there is suffering, there is duty. Americans in need are not strangers, they are citizens; not problems, but priorities. And all of us are diminished when any are hopeless.
Government has great responsibilities for public safety and public health, for civil rights and common schools. Yet compassion is the work of a nation, not just a government.
And some needs and hurts are so deep they will only respond to a mentor's touch or a pastor's prayer. Church and charity, synagogue and mosque lend our communities their humanity, and they will have an honored place in our plans and in our laws.
Many in our country do not know the pain of poverty, but we can listen to those who do.
And I can pledge our nation to a goal: When we see that wounded traveler on the road to Jericho, we will not pass to the other side.
America, at its best, is a place where personal responsibility is valued and expected.
Encouraging responsibility is not a search for scapegoats, it is a call to conscience. And though it requires sacrifice, it brings a deeper fulfillment. We find the fullness of life not only in options, but in commitments. And we find that children and community are the commitments that set us free.
Our public interest depends on private character, on civic duty and family bonds and basic fairness, on uncounted, unhonored acts of decency which give direction to our freedom.
Sometimes in life we are called to do great things. But as a saint of our times has said, every day we are called to do small things with great love. The most important tasks of a democracy are done by everyone.
I will live and lead by these principles: to advance my convictions with civility, to pursue the public interest with courage, to speak for greater justice and compassion, to call for responsibility and try to live it as well.
In all these ways, I will bring the values of our history to the care of our times.
What you do is as important as anything government does. I ask you to seek a common good beyond your comfort; to defend needed reforms against easy attacks; to serve your nation, beginning with your neighbor. I ask you to be citizens: citizens, not spectators; citizens, not subjects; responsible citizens, building communities of service and a nation of character.
Americans are generous and strong and decent, not because we believe in ourselves, but because we hold beliefs beyond ourselves. When this spirit of citizenship is missing, no government program can replace it. When this spirit is present, no wrong can stand against it.
After the Declaration of Independence was signed, Virginia statesman John Page wrote to Thomas Jefferson: “We know the race is not to the swift nor the battle to the strong. Do you not think an angel rides in the whirlwind and directs this storm?”
Much time has passed since Jefferson arrived for his inauguration. The years and changes accumulate. But the themes of this day he would know: our nation's grand story of courage and its simple dream of dignity.
We are not this story's author, who fills time and eternity with his purpose. Yet his purpose is achieved in our duty, and our duty is fulfilled in service to one another.
Never tiring, never yielding, never finishing, we renew that purpose today, to make our country more just and generous, to affirm the dignity of our lives and every life.
This work continues. This story goes on. And an angel still rides in the whirlwind and directs this storm.
God bless you all, and God bless America.
尊敬的芮恩奎斯特大法官，卡特总统，布什总统，克林顿总统，
尊敬的来宾们，我的同胞们，
这次权利的和平过渡在历史上是罕见的，但在美国是平常的。
我们以朴素的宣誓庄严地维护了古老的传统，同时开始了新的历程。
首先，我要感谢克林顿总统为这个国家作出的贡献，也感谢副总统
戈尔在竞选过程中的热情与风度。
站在这里，我很荣幸，也有点受宠若惊。在我之前，许多美国
领导人从这里起步；在我之后，也会有许多领导人从这里继续前进。
在美国悠久的历史中，我们每个人都有自己的位置；我们还在
继续推动着历史前进，但是我们不可能看到它的尽头。这是一部新世界的发展史，是一部后浪推前浪的历史。这是一部美国由奴隶制社会发展成为崇尚自由的社会的历史。这是一个强国保护而不是占有世界的历史，是捍卫而不是征服世界的历史。这就是美国史。它不是一部十全十美的民族发展史，但它是一部在伟大和永恒理想指导下几代人团结奋斗的历史。
这些理想中最伟大的是正在慢慢实现的美国的承诺，这就是：每个人都有自身的价值，每个人都有成功的机会，每个人天生都会有所作为的。美国人民肩负着一种使命，那就是要竭力将这个诺言变成生活中和法律上的现实。虽然我们的国家过去在追求实现这个承诺的途中停滞不前甚至倒退，但我们仍将坚定不移地完成这一使命。
在上个世纪的大部分时间里，美国自由民主的信念犹如汹涌大海中的岩石。现在它更像风中的种子，把自由带给每个民族。在我们的国家，民主不仅仅是一种信念，而是全人类的希望。民主，我们不会独占，而会竭力让大家分享。民主，我们将铭记于心并且不断传播。225年过去了，我们仍有很长的路要走。
有很多公民取得了成功，但也有人开始怀疑，怀疑我们自己的国家所许下的诺言，甚至怀疑它的公正。失败的教育，潜在的偏见和出身的环境限制了一些美国人的雄心。有时，我们的分歧是如此之深，似乎我们虽身处同一个大陆，但不属于同一个国家。我们不能接受这种分歧，也无法容许它的存在。我们的团结和统一，是每一代领导人和每一个公民的严肃使命。在此，我郑重宣誓：我将竭力建设一个公正、充满机会的统一国家。我知道这是我们的目标，因为上帝按自己的身形创造了我们，上帝高于一切的力量将引导我们前进。
对这些将我们团结起来并指引我们向前的原则，我们充满信心。血缘、出身或地域从未将美国联合起来。只有理想，才能使我们心系一处，超越自己，放弃个人利益，并逐步领会何谓公民。每个孩子都必须学习这些原则。每个公民都必须坚持这些原则。每个移民，只有接受这些原则，才能使我们的国家不丧失而更具美国特色。
今天，我们在这里重申一个新的信念，即通过发扬谦恭、勇气、同情心和个性的精神来实现我们国家的理想。美国在它最鼎盛时也没忘记遵循谦逊有礼的原则。一个文明的社会需要我们每个人品质优良，尊重他人，为人公平和宽宏大量。
有人认为我们的政治制度是如此的微不足道，因为在和平年代，我们所争论的话题都是无关紧要的。但是，对我们美国来说，我们所讨论的问题从来都不是什么小事。如果我们不领导和平事业，那么和平将无人来领导；如果我们不引导我们的孩子们真心地热爱知识、发挥个性，他们的天分将得不到发挥，理想将难以实现。如果我们不采取适当措施，任凭经济衰退，最大的受害者将是平民百姓。
我们应该时刻听取时代的呼唤。谦逊有礼不是战术也不是感情用事。这是我们最坚定的选择--在批评声中赢得信任；在混乱中寻求统一。如果遵循这样的承诺，我们将会享有共同的成就。
美国有强大的国力作后盾，将会勇往直前。
在大萧条和战争时期，我们的人民在困难面前表现得无比英勇，克服我们共同的困难体现了我们共同的优秀品质。现在，我们正面临着选择，如果我们作出正确的选择，祖辈一定会激励我们；如果我们的选择是错误的，祖辈会谴责我们的。上帝正眷顾着这个国家，我们必须显示出我们的勇气，敢于面对问题，而不是将它们遗留给我们的后代。
我们要共同努力，健全美国的学校教育，不能让无知和冷漠吞噬更多的年轻生命。我们要改革社会医疗和保险制度，在力所能及的范围内拯救我们的孩子。我们要减低税收，恢复经济，酬劳辛勤工作的美国人民。我们要防患于未然，懈怠会带来麻烦。我们还要阻止武器泛滥，使新的世纪摆脱恐怖的威胁。
反对自由和反对我们国家的人应该明白：美国仍将积极参与国际事务，力求世界力量的均衡，让自由的力量遍及全球。这是历史的选择。我们会保护我们的盟国，捍卫我们的利益。我们将谦逊地向世界人民表示我们的目标。我们将坚决反击各种侵略和不守信用的行径。我们要向全世界宣传孕育了我们伟大民族的价值观。
正处在鼎盛时期的美国也不缺乏同情心。
当我们静心思考，我们就会明了根深蒂固的贫穷根本不值得我国作出承诺。无论我们如何看待贫穷的原因，我们都必须承认，孩子敢于冒险不等于在犯错误。放纵与滥用都为上帝所不容。这些都是缺乏爱的结果。监狱数量的增长虽然看起来是有必要的，但并不能代替我们心中的希望-人人遵纪守法。
哪里有痛苦，我们的义务就在哪里。对我们来说，需要帮助的美国人不是陌生人，而是我们的公民；不是负担，而是急需救助的对象。当有人陷入绝望时，我们大家都会因此变得渺小。
对公共安全和大众健康，对民权和学校教育，政府都应负有极大的责任。然而，同情心不只是政府的职责，更是整个国家的义务。有些需要是如此的迫切，有些伤痕是如此的深刻，只有导师的爱抚、牧师的祈祷才能有所感触。不论是教堂还是慈善机构、犹太会堂还是清真寺，都赋予了我们的社会它们特有的人性，因此它们理应在我们的建设和法律上受到尊重。
我们国家的许多人都不知道贫穷的痛苦。但我们可以听到那些感触颇深的人们的倾诉。我发誓我们的国家要达到一种境界：当我们看见受伤的行人倒在远行的路上，我们决不会袖手旁观。
正处于鼎盛期的美国重视并期待每个人担负起自己的责任。
鼓励人们勇于承担责任不是让人们充当替罪羊，而是对人的良知的呼唤。虽然承担责任意味着牺牲个人利益，但是你能从中体会到一种更加深刻的成就感。
我们实现人生的完整不单是通过摆在我们面前的选择，而且是通过我们的实践来实现。我们知道，通过对整个社会和我们的孩子们尽我们的义务，我们将得到最终自由。
我们的公共利益依赖于我们独立的个性；依赖于我们的公民义务，家庭纽带和基本的公正；依赖于我们无数的、默默无闻的体面行动，正是它们指引我们走向自由。
在生活中，有时我们被召唤着去做一些惊天动地的事情。但是，正如我们时代的一位圣人所言，每一天我们都被召唤带着挚爱去做一些小事情。一个民主制度最重要的任务是由大家每一个人来完成的。
我为人处事的原则包括：坚信自己而不强加于人，为公众的利益勇往直前，追求正义而不乏同情心，勇担责任而决不推卸。我要通过这一切，用我们历史上传统价值观来哺育我们的时代。
(同胞们)，你们所做的一切和政府的工作同样重要。我希望你们不要仅仅追求个人享受而忽略公众的利益；要捍卫既定的改革措施，使其不会轻易被攻击；要从身边小事做起，为我们的国家效力。我希望你们成为真正的公民，而不是旁观者，更不是臣民。你们应成为有责任心的公民，共同来建设一个互帮互助的社会和有特色的国家。
美国人民慷慨、强大、体面，这并非因为我们信任我们自己，而是因为我们拥有超越我们自己的信念。一旦这种公民精神丧失了，无论何种政府计划都无法弥补它。一旦这种精神出现了，无论任何错误都无法抗衡它。
在《独立宣言》签署之后，弗吉尼亚州的政治家约翰·佩齐曾给托马斯·杰弗逊写信说："我们知道，身手敏捷不一定就能赢得比赛，力量强大不一定就能赢得战争。难道这一切不都是上帝安排的吗？"
杰斐逊就任总统的那个年代离我们已经很远了。时光飞逝，美国发生了翻天覆地的变化。但是有一点他肯定能够预知，即我们这个时代的主题仍然是：我们国家无畏向前的恢宏故事和它追求尊严的纯朴梦想。
我们不是这个故事的作者，是杰斐逊作者本人的伟大理想穿越时空，并通过我们每天的努力在变为现实。我们正在通过大家的努力在履行着各自的职责。
带着永不疲惫、永不气馁、永不完竭的信念，今天我们重树这样的目标：使我们的国家变得更加公正、更加慷慨，去验证我们每个人和所有人生命的尊严。
这项工作必须继续下去。这个故事必须延续下去。上帝会驾驭我们航行的。
愿上帝保佑大家！愿上帝保佑美国
Following one of the most controversial presidential elections in United States history, newly elected president George W. Bush gave the following inaugural address on January 20, 2001, in Washington, D.C. After thanking his opponent in the election, Democratic vice president Al Gore, “for a contest conducted with spirit and ended with grace,” the Republican Bush went on to echo many of the themes of his campaign, including his philosophy of “compassionate conservatism.(温情保守主义)”
President Clinton, distinguished guests, and my fellow citizens, the peaceful transfer of authority is rare in history, yet common in our country. With a simple oath, we affirm old traditions and make new beginnings.
As I begin, I thank President Clinton for his service to our nation.
And I thank Vice President Gore for a contest conducted with spirit and ended with grace.
I am honored and humbled to stand here, where so many of America's leaders have come before me, and so many will follow.
We have a place, all of us, in a long story—a story we continue, but whose end we will not see. It is the story of a new world that became a friend and liberator of the old, a story of a slave-holding society that became a servant of freedom, the story of a power that went into the world to protect but not possess, to defend but not to conquer.
It is the American story—a story of flawed and fallible people, united across the generations by grand and enduring ideals.
The grandest of these ideals is an unfolding American promise that everyone belongs, that everyone deserves a chance, that no insignificant person was ever born.
Americans are called to enact this promise in our lives and in our laws. And though our nation has sometimes halted, and sometimes delayed, we must follow no other course.
Through much of the last century, America's faith in freedom and democracy was a rock in a raging sea. Now it is a seed upon the wind, taking root in many nations.
Our democratic faith is more than the creed of our country, it is the inborn hope of our humanity, an ideal we carry but do not own, a trust we bear and pass along. And even after nearly 225 years, we have a long way yet to travel.
While many of our citizens prosper, others doubt the promise, even the justice, of our own country. The ambitions of some Americans are limited by failing schools and hidden prejudice and the circumstances of their birth. And sometimes our differences run so deep, it seems we share a continent, but not a country.
We do not accept this, and we will not allow it. Our unity, our union, is the serious work of leaders and citizens in every generation. And this is my solemn pledge: I will work to build a single nation of justice and opportunity.
I know this is in our reach because we are guided by a power larger than ourselves who creates us equal in His image.
And we are confident in principles that unite and lead us onward.
America has never been united by blood or birth or soil. We are bound by ideals that move us beyond our backgrounds, lift us above our interests and teach us what it means to be citizens. Every child must be taught these principles. Every citizen must uphold them. And every immigrant, by embracing these ideals, makes our country more, not less, American.
Today we affirm a new commitment to live out our nation's promise through civility, courage, compassion, and character.
America, at its best, matches a commitment to principle with a concern for civility. A civil society demands from each of us good will and respect, fair dealing and forgiveness.
Some seem to believe that our politics can afford to be petty because, in a time of peace, the stakes of our debates appear small.
But the stakes for America are never small. If our country does not lead the cause of freedom, it will not be led. If we do not turn the hearts of children toward knowledge and character, we will lose their gifts and undermine their idealism. If we permit our economy to drift and decline, the vulnerable will suffer most.
We must live up to the calling we share. Civility is not a tactic or a sentiment. It is the determined choice of trust over cynicism, of community over chaos. And this commitment, if we keep it, is a way to shared accomplishment.
America, at its best, is also courageous.
Our national courage has been clear in times of depression and war, when defending common dangers defined our common good. Now we must choose if the example of our fathers and mothers will inspire us or condemn us. We must show courage in a time of blessing by confronting problems instead of passing them on to future generations.
Together, we will reclaim America's schools, before ignorance and apathy claim more young lives.
We will reform Social Security and Medicare, sparing our children from struggles we have the power to prevent. And we will reduce taxes, to recover the momentum of our economy and reward the effort and enterprise of working Americans.
We will build our defenses beyond challenge, lest weakness invite challenge.
We will confront weapons of mass destruction, so that a new century is spared new horrors.
The enemies of liberty and our country should make no mistake: America remains engaged in the world by history and by choice, shaping a balance of power that favors freedom. We will defend our allies and our interests. We will show purpose without arrogance. We will meet aggression and bad faith with resolve and strength. And to all nations, we will speak for the values that gave our nation birth.
America, at its best, is compassionate. In the quiet of American conscience, we know that deep, persistent poverty is unworthy of our nation's promise.
And whatever our views of its cause, we can agree that children at risk are not at fault. Abandonment and abuse are not acts of God, they are failures of love.
And the proliferation of prisons, however necessary, is no substitute for hope and order in our souls.
Where there is suffering, there is duty. Americans in need are not strangers, they are citizens; not problems, but priorities. And all of us are diminished when any are hopeless.
Government has great responsibilities for public safety and public health, for civil rights and common schools. Yet compassion is the work of a nation, not just a government.
And some needs and hurts are so deep they will only respond to a mentor's touch or a pastor's prayer. Church and charity, synagogue and mosque lend our communities their humanity, and they will have an honored place in our plans and in our laws.
Many in our country do not know the pain of poverty, but we can listen to those who do.
And I can pledge our nation to a goal: When we see that wounded traveler on the road to Jericho, we will not pass to the other side.
America, at its best, is a place where personal responsibility is valued and expected.
Encouraging responsibility is not a search for scapegoats, it is a call to conscience. And though it requires sacrifice, it brings a deeper fulfillment. We find the fullness of life not only in options, but in commitments. And we find that children and community are the commitments that set us free.
Our public interest depends on private character, on civic duty and family bonds and basic fairness, on uncounted, unhonored acts of decency which give direction to our freedom.
Sometimes in life we are called to do great things. But as a saint of our times has said, every day we are called to do small things with great love. The most important tasks of a democracy are done by everyone.
I will live and lead by these principles: to advance my convictions with civility, to pursue the public interest with courage, to speak for greater justice and compassion, to call for responsibility and try to live it as well.
In all these ways, I will bring the values of our history to the care of our times.
What you do is as important as anything government does. I ask you to seek a common good beyond your comfort; to defend needed reforms against easy attacks; to serve your nation, beginning with your neighbor. I ask you to be citizens: citizens, not spectators; citizens, not subjects; responsible citizens, building communities of service and a nation of character.
Americans are generous and strong and decent, not because we believe in ourselves, but because we hold beliefs beyond ourselves. When this spirit of citizenship is missing, no government program can replace it. When this spirit is present, no wrong can stand against it.
After the Declaration of Independence was signed, Virginia statesman John Page wrote to Thomas Jefferson: “We know the race is not to the swift nor the battle to the strong. Do you not think an angel rides in the whirlwind and directs this storm?”
Much time has passed since Jefferson arrived for his inauguration. The years and changes accumulate. But the themes of this day he would know: our nation's grand story of courage and its simple dream of dignity.
We are not this story's author, who fills time and eternity with his purpose. Yet his purpose is achieved in our duty, and our duty is fulfilled in service to one another.
Never tiring, never yielding, never finishing, we renew that purpose today, to make our country more just and generous, to affirm the dignity of our lives and every life.
This work continues. This story goes on. And an angel still rides in the whirlwind and directs this storm.
God bless you all, and God bless America.
尊敬的芮恩奎斯特大法官，卡特总统，布什总统，克林顿总统，
尊敬的来宾们，我的同胞们，
这次权利的和平过渡在历史上是罕见的，但在美国是平常的。
我们以朴素的宣誓庄严地维护了古老的传统，同时开始了新的历程。
首先，我要感谢克林顿总统为这个国家作出的贡献，也感谢副总统
戈尔在竞选过程中的热情与风度。
站在这里，我很荣幸，也有点受宠若惊。在我之前，许多美国
领导人从这里起步；在我之后，也会有许多领导人从这里继续前进。
在美国悠久的历史中，我们每个人都有自己的位置；我们还在
继续推动着历史前进，但是我们不可能看到它的尽头。这是一部新世界的发展史，是一部后浪推前浪的历史。这是一部美国由奴隶制社会发展成为崇尚自由的社会的历史。这是一个强国保护而不是占有世界的历史，是捍卫而不是征服世界的历史。这就是美国史。它不是一部十全十美的民族发展史，但它是一部在伟大和永恒理想指导下几代人团结奋斗的历史。
这些理想中最伟大的是正在慢慢实现的美国的承诺，这就是：每个人都有自身的价值，每个人都有成功的机会，每个人天生都会有所作为的。美国人民肩负着一种使命，那就是要竭力将这个诺言变成生活中和法律上的现实。虽然我们的国家过去在追求实现这个承诺的途中停滞不前甚至倒退，但我们仍将坚定不移地完成这一使命。
在上个世纪的大部分时间里，美国自由民主的信念犹如汹涌大海中的岩石。现在它更像风中的种子，把自由带给每个民族。在我们的国家，民主不仅仅是一种信念，而是全人类的希望。民主，我们不会独占，而会竭力让大家分享。民主，我们将铭记于心并且不断传播。225年过去了，我们仍有很长的路要走。
有很多公民取得了成功，但也有人开始怀疑，怀疑我们自己的国家所许下的诺言，甚至怀疑它的公正。失败的教育，潜在的偏见和出身的环境限制了一些美国人的雄心。有时，我们的分歧是如此之深，似乎我们虽身处同一个大陆，但不属于同一个国家。我们不能接受这种分歧，也无法容许它的存在。我们的团结和统一，是每一代领导人和每一个公民的严肃使命。在此，我郑重宣誓：我将竭力建设一个公正、充满机会的统一国家。我知道这是我们的目标，因为上帝按自己的身形创造了我们，上帝高于一切的力量将引导我们前进。
对这些将我们团结起来并指引我们向前的原则，我们充满信心。血缘、出身或地域从未将美国联合起来。只有理想，才能使我们心系一处，超越自己，放弃个人利益，并逐步领会何谓公民。每个孩子都必须学习这些原则。每个公民都必须坚持这些原则。每个移民，只有接受这些原则，才能使我们的国家不丧失而更具美国特色。
今天，我们在这里重申一个新的信念，即通过发扬谦恭、勇气、同情心和个性的精神来实现我们国家的理想。美国在它最鼎盛时也没忘记遵循谦逊有礼的原则。一个文明的社会需要我们每个人品质优良，尊重他人，为人公平和宽宏大量。
有人认为我们的政治制度是如此的微不足道，因为在和平年代，我们所争论的话题都是无关紧要的。但是，对我们美国来说，我们所讨论的问题从来都不是什么小事。如果我们不领导和平事业，那么和平将无人来领导；如果我们不引导我们的孩子们真心地热爱知识、发挥个性，他们的天分将得不到发挥，理想将难以实现。如果我们不采取适当措施，任凭经济衰退，最大的受害者将是平民百姓。
我们应该时刻听取时代的呼唤。谦逊有礼不是战术也不是感情用事。这是我们最坚定的选择--在批评声中赢得信任；在混乱中寻求统一。如果遵循这样的承诺，我们将会享有共同的成就。
美国有强大的国力作后盾，将会勇往直前。
在大萧条和战争时期，我们的人民在困难面前表现得无比英勇，克服我们共同的困难体现了我们共同的优秀品质。现在，我们正面临着选择，如果我们作出正确的选择，祖辈一定会激励我们；如果我们的选择是错误的，祖辈会谴责我们的。上帝正眷顾着这个国家，我们必须显示出我们的勇气，敢于面对问题，而不是将它们遗留给我们的后代。
我们要共同努力，健全美国的学校教育，不能让无知和冷漠吞噬更多的年轻生命。我们要改革社会医疗和保险制度，在力所能及的范围内拯救我们的孩子。我们要减低税收，恢复经济，酬劳辛勤工作的美国人民。我们要防患于未然，懈怠会带来麻烦。我们还要阻止武器泛滥，使新的世纪摆脱恐怖的威胁。
反对自由和反对我们国家的人应该明白：美国仍将积极参与国际事务，力求世界力量的均衡，让自由的力量遍及全球。这是历史的选择。我们会保护我们的盟国，捍卫我们的利益。我们将谦逊地向世界人民表示我们的目标。我们将坚决反击各种侵略和不守信用的行径。我们要向全世界宣传孕育了我们伟大民族的价值观。
正处在鼎盛时期的美国也不缺乏同情心。
当我们静心思考，我们就会明了根深蒂固的贫穷根本不值得我国作出承诺。无论我们如何看待贫穷的原因，我们都必须承认，孩子敢于冒险不等于在犯错误。放纵与滥用都为上帝所不容。这些都是缺乏爱的结果。监狱数量的增长虽然看起来是有必要的，但并不能代替我们心中的希望-人人遵纪守法。
哪里有痛苦，我们的义务就在哪里。对我们来说，需要帮助的美国人不是陌生人，而是我们的公民；不是负担，而是急需救助的对象。当有人陷入绝望时，我们大家都会因此变得渺小。
对公共安全和大众健康，对民权和学校教育，政府都应负有极大的责任。然而，同情心不只是政府的职责，更是整个国家的义务。有些需要是如此的迫切，有些伤痕是如此的深刻，只有导师的爱抚、牧师的祈祷才能有所感触。不论是教堂还是慈善机构、犹太会堂还是清真寺，都赋予了我们的社会它们特有的人性，因此它们理应在我们的建设和法律上受到尊重。
我们国家的许多人都不知道贫穷的痛苦。但我们可以听到那些感触颇深的人们的倾诉。我发誓我们的国家要达到一种境界：当我们看见受伤的行人倒在远行的路上，我们决不会袖手旁观。
正处于鼎盛期的美国重视并期待每个人担负起自己的责任。
鼓励人们勇于承担责任不是让人们充当替罪羊，而是对人的良知的呼唤。虽然承担责任意味着牺牲个人利益，但是你能从中体会到一种更加深刻的成就感。
我们实现人生的完整不单是通过摆在我们面前的选择，而且是通过我们的实践来实现。我们知道，通过对整个社会和我们的孩子们尽我们的义务，我们将得到最终自由。
我们的公共利益依赖于我们独立的个性；依赖于我们的公民义务，家庭纽带和基本的公正；依赖于我们无数的、默默无闻的体面行动，正是它们指引我们走向自由。
在生活中，有时我们被召唤着去做一些惊天动地的事情。但是，正如我们时代的一位圣人所言，每一天我们都被召唤带着挚爱去做一些小事情。一个民主制度最重要的任务是由大家每一个人来完成的。
我为人处事的原则包括：坚信自己而不强加于人，为公众的利益勇往直前，追求正义而不乏同情心，勇担责任而决不推卸。我要通过这一切，用我们历史上传统价值观来哺育我们的时代。
(同胞们)，你们所做的一切和政府的工作同样重要。我希望你们不要仅仅追求个人享受而忽略公众的利益；要捍卫既定的改革措施，使其不会轻易被攻击；要从身边小事做起，为我们的国家效力。我希望你们成为真正的公民，而不是旁观者，更不是臣民。你们应成为有责任心的公民，共同来建设一个互帮互助的社会和有特色的国家。
美国人民慷慨、强大、体面，这并非因为我们信任我们自己，而是因为我们拥有超越我们自己的信念。一旦这种公民精神丧失了，无论何种政府计划都无法弥补它。一旦这种精神出现了，无论任何错误都无法抗衡它。
在《独立宣言》签署之后，弗吉尼亚州的政治家约翰·佩齐曾给托马斯·杰弗逊写信说："我们知道，身手敏捷不一定就能赢得比赛，力量强大不一定就能赢得战争。难道这一切不都是上帝安排的吗？"
杰斐逊就任总统的那个年代离我们已经很远了。时光飞逝，美国发生了翻天覆地的变化。但是有一点他肯定能够预知，即我们这个时代的主题仍然是：我们国家无畏向前的恢宏故事和它追求尊严的纯朴梦想。
我们不是这个故事的作者，是杰斐逊作者本人的伟大理想穿越时空，并通过我们每天的努力在变为现实。我们正在通过大家的努力在履行着各自的职责。
带着永不疲惫、永不气馁、永不完竭的信念，今天我们重树这样的目标：使我们的国家变得更加公正、更加慷慨，去验证我们每个人和所有人生命的尊严。
这项工作必须继续下去。这个故事必须延续下去。上帝会驾驭我们航行的。
愿上帝保佑大家！愿上帝保佑美国
小布什第二任总统就职演说(English)
小布什第二任总统就职演说
2006-1-17
Vice President Cheney, Mr. Chief Justice, President Carter, President Bush, President Clinton, reverend clergy, distinguished guests, fellow citizens:
On this day, prescribed by law and marked by ceremony, we celebrate the durable wisdom of our Constitution, and recall the deep commitments that unite our country. I am grateful for the honor of this hour, mindful of the consequential times in which we live, and determined to fulfill the oath that I have sworn and you have witnessed.
At this second gathering, our duties are defined not by the words I use, but by the history we have seen together. For a half century, America defended our own freedom by standing watch on distant borders. After the shipwreck of communism came years of relative quiet, years of repose, years of sabbatical - and then there came a day of fire.
We have seen our vulnerability - and we have seen its deepest source. For as long as whole regions of the world simmer in resentment and tyranny - prone to ideologies that feed hatred and excuse murder - violence will gather, and multiply in destructive power, and cross the most defended borders, and raise a mortal threat. There is only one force of history that can break the reign of hatred and resentment, and expose the pretensions of tyrants, and reward the hopes of the decent and tolerant, and that is the force of human freedom.
We are led, by events and common sense, to one conclusion: The survival of liberty in our land increasingly depends on the success of liberty in other lands. The best hope for peace in our world is the expansion of freedom in all the world.
America's vital interests and our deepest beliefs are now one. From the day of our Founding, we have proclaimed that every man and woman on this earth has rights, and dignity, and matchless value, because they bear the image of the Maker of Heaven and earth. Across the generations we have proclaimed the imperative of self-government, because no one is fit to be a master, and no one deserves to be a slave. Advancing these ideals is the mission that created our Nation. It is the honorable achievement of our fathers. Now it is the urgent requirement of our nation's security, and the calling of our time.
So it is the policy of the United States to seek and support the growth of democratic movements and institutions in every nation and culture, with the ultimate goal of ending tyranny in our world.
This is not primarily the task of arms, though we will defend ourselves and our friends by force of arms when necessary. Freedom, by its nature, must be chosen, and defended by citizens, and sustained by the rule of law and the protection of minorities. And when the soul of a nation finally speaks, the institutions that arise may reflect customs and traditions very different from our own. America will not impose our own style of government on the unwilling. Our goal instead is to help others find their own voice, attain their own freedom, and make their own way.
The great objective of ending tyranny is the concentrated work of generations. The difficulty of the task is no excuse for avoiding it. America's influence is not unlimited, but fortunately for the oppressed, America's influence is considerable, and we will use it confidently in freedom's cause.
My most solemn duty is to protect this nation and its people against further attacks and emerging threats. Some have unwisely chosen to test America's resolve, and have found it firm.
We will persistently clarify the choice before every ruler and every nation: The moral choice between oppression, which is always wrong, and freedom, which is eternally right. America will not pretend that jailed dissidents prefer their chains, or that women welcome humiliation and servitude, or that any human being aspires to live at the mercy of bullies.
We will encourage reform in other governments by making clear that success in our relations will require the decent treatment of their own people. America's belief in human dignity will guide our policies, yet rights must be more than the grudging concessions of dictators; they are secured by free dissent and the participation of the governed. In the long run, there is no justice without freedom, and there can be no human rights without human liberty.
Some, I know, have questioned the global appeal of liberty - though this time in history, four decades defined by the swiftest advance of freedom ever seen, is an odd time for doubt. Americans, of all people, should never be surprised by the power of our ideals. Eventually, the call of freedom comes to every mind and every soul. We do not accept the existence of permanent tyranny because we do not accept the possibility of permanent slavery. Liberty will come to those who love it.
Today, America speaks anew to the peoples of the world:
All who live in tyranny and hopelessness can know: the United States will not ignore your oppression, or excuse your oppressors. When you stand for your liberty, we will stand with you.
Democratic reformers facing repression, prison, or exile can know: America sees you for who you are: the future leaders of your free country.
The rulers of outlaw regimes can know that we still believe as Abraham Lincoln did: "Those who deny freedom to others deserve it not for themselves; and, under the rule of a just God, cannot long retain it."
The leaders of governments with long habits of control need to know: To serve your people you must learn to trust them. Start on this journey of progress and justice, and America will walk at your side.
And all the allies of the United States can know: we honor your friendship, we rely on your counsel, and we depend on your help. Division among free nations is a primary goal of freedom's enemies. The concerted effort of free nations to promote democracy is a prelude to our enemies' defeat.
Today, I also speak anew to my fellow citizens:
From all of you, I have asked patience in the hard task of securing America, which you have granted in good measure. Our country has accepted obligations that are difficult to fulfill, and would be dishonorable to abandon. Yet because we have acted in the great liberating tradition of this nation, tens of millions have achieved their freedom. And as hope kindles hope, millions more will find it. By our efforts, we have lit a fire as well - a fire in the minds of men. It warms those who feel its power, it burns those who fight its progress, and one day this untamed fire of freedom will reach the darkest corners of our world.
A few Americans have accepted the hardest duties in this cause - in the quiet work of intelligence and diplomacy …… the idealistic work of helping raise up free governments …… the dangerous and necessary work of fighting our enemies. Some have shown their devotion to our country in deaths that honored their whole lives - and we will always honor their names and their sacrifice.
All Americans have witnessed this idealism, and some for the first time. I ask our youngest citizens to believe the evidence of your eyes. You have seen duty and allegiance in the determined faces of our soldiers. You have seen that life is fragile, and evil is real, and courage triumphs. Make the choice to serve in a cause larger than your wants, larger than yourself - and in your days you will add not just to the wealth of our country, but to its character.
America has need of idealism and courage, because we have essential work at home - the unfinished work of American freedom. In a world moving toward liberty, we are determined to show the meaning and promise of liberty.
In America's ideal of freedom, citizens find the dignity and security of economic independence, instead of laboring on the edge of subsistence. This is the broader definition of liberty that motivated the Homestead Act, the Social Security Act, and the G.I. Bill of Rights. And now we will extend this vision by reforming great institutions to serve the needs of our time. To give every American a stake in the promise and future of our country, we will bring the highest standards to our schools, and build an ownership society. We will widen the ownership of homes and businesses, retirement savings and health insurance - preparing our people for the challenges of life in a free society. By making every citizen an agent of his or her own destiny, we will give our fellow Americans greater freedom from want and fear, and make our society more prosperous and just and equal.
In America's ideal of freedom, the public interest depends on private character - on integrity, and tolerance toward others, and the rule of conscience in our own lives. Self-government relies, in the end, on the governing of the self. That edifice of character is built in families, supported by communities with standards, and sustained in our national life by the truths of Sinai, the Sermon on the Mount, the words of the Koran, and the varied faiths of our people. Americans move forward in every generation by reaffirming all that is good and true that came before - ideals of justice and conduct that are the same yesterday, today, and forever.
In America's ideal of freedom, the exercise of rights is ennobled by service, and mercy, and a heart for the weak. Liberty for all does not mean independence from one another. Our nation relies on men and women who look after a neighbor and surround the lost with love. Americans, at our best, value the life we see in one another, and must always remember that even the unwanted have worth. And our country must abandon all the habits of racism, because we cannot carry the message of freedom and the baggage of bigotry at the same time.
From the perspective of a single day, including this day of dedication, the issues and questions before our country are many. From the viewpoint of centuries, the questions that come to us are narrowed and few. Did our generation advance the cause of freedom? And did our character bring credit to that cause?
These questions that judge us also unite us, because Americans of every party and background, Americans by choice and by birth, are bound to one another in the cause of freedom. We have known divisions, which must be healed to move forward in great purposes - and I will strive in good faith to heal them. Yet those divisions do not define America. We felt the unity and fellowship of our nation when freedom came under attack, and our response came like a single hand over a single heart. And we can feel that same unity and pride whenever America acts for good, and the victims of disaster are given hope, and the unjust encounter justice, and the captives are set free.
We go forward with complete confidence in the eventual triumph of freedom. Not because history runs on the wheels of inevitability; it is human choices that move events. Not because we consider ourselves a chosen nation; God moves and chooses as He wills. We have confidence because freedom is the permanent hope of mankind, the hunger in dark places, the longing of the soul. When our Founders declared a new order of the ages; when soldiers died in wave upon wave for a union based on liberty; when citizens marched in peaceful outrage under the banner "Freedom Now" - they were acting on an ancient hope that is meant to be fulfilled. History has an ebb and flow of justice, but history also has a visible direction, set by liberty and the Author of Liberty.
When the Declaration of Independence was first read in public and the Liberty Bell was sounded in celebration, a witness said, "It rang as if it meant something." In our time it means something still. America, in this young century, proclaims liberty throughout all the world, and to all the inhabitants thereof. Renewed in our strength - tested, but not weary - we are ready for the greatest achievements in the history of freedom.
May God bless you, and may He watch over the United States of America.
2006-1-17
Vice President Cheney, Mr. Chief Justice, President Carter, President Bush, President Clinton, reverend clergy, distinguished guests, fellow citizens:
On this day, prescribed by law and marked by ceremony, we celebrate the durable wisdom of our Constitution, and recall the deep commitments that unite our country. I am grateful for the honor of this hour, mindful of the consequential times in which we live, and determined to fulfill the oath that I have sworn and you have witnessed.
At this second gathering, our duties are defined not by the words I use, but by the history we have seen together. For a half century, America defended our own freedom by standing watch on distant borders. After the shipwreck of communism came years of relative quiet, years of repose, years of sabbatical - and then there came a day of fire.
We have seen our vulnerability - and we have seen its deepest source. For as long as whole regions of the world simmer in resentment and tyranny - prone to ideologies that feed hatred and excuse murder - violence will gather, and multiply in destructive power, and cross the most defended borders, and raise a mortal threat. There is only one force of history that can break the reign of hatred and resentment, and expose the pretensions of tyrants, and reward the hopes of the decent and tolerant, and that is the force of human freedom.
We are led, by events and common sense, to one conclusion: The survival of liberty in our land increasingly depends on the success of liberty in other lands. The best hope for peace in our world is the expansion of freedom in all the world.
America's vital interests and our deepest beliefs are now one. From the day of our Founding, we have proclaimed that every man and woman on this earth has rights, and dignity, and matchless value, because they bear the image of the Maker of Heaven and earth. Across the generations we have proclaimed the imperative of self-government, because no one is fit to be a master, and no one deserves to be a slave. Advancing these ideals is the mission that created our Nation. It is the honorable achievement of our fathers. Now it is the urgent requirement of our nation's security, and the calling of our time.
So it is the policy of the United States to seek and support the growth of democratic movements and institutions in every nation and culture, with the ultimate goal of ending tyranny in our world.
This is not primarily the task of arms, though we will defend ourselves and our friends by force of arms when necessary. Freedom, by its nature, must be chosen, and defended by citizens, and sustained by the rule of law and the protection of minorities. And when the soul of a nation finally speaks, the institutions that arise may reflect customs and traditions very different from our own. America will not impose our own style of government on the unwilling. Our goal instead is to help others find their own voice, attain their own freedom, and make their own way.
The great objective of ending tyranny is the concentrated work of generations. The difficulty of the task is no excuse for avoiding it. America's influence is not unlimited, but fortunately for the oppressed, America's influence is considerable, and we will use it confidently in freedom's cause.
My most solemn duty is to protect this nation and its people against further attacks and emerging threats. Some have unwisely chosen to test America's resolve, and have found it firm.
We will persistently clarify the choice before every ruler and every nation: The moral choice between oppression, which is always wrong, and freedom, which is eternally right. America will not pretend that jailed dissidents prefer their chains, or that women welcome humiliation and servitude, or that any human being aspires to live at the mercy of bullies.
We will encourage reform in other governments by making clear that success in our relations will require the decent treatment of their own people. America's belief in human dignity will guide our policies, yet rights must be more than the grudging concessions of dictators; they are secured by free dissent and the participation of the governed. In the long run, there is no justice without freedom, and there can be no human rights without human liberty.
Some, I know, have questioned the global appeal of liberty - though this time in history, four decades defined by the swiftest advance of freedom ever seen, is an odd time for doubt. Americans, of all people, should never be surprised by the power of our ideals. Eventually, the call of freedom comes to every mind and every soul. We do not accept the existence of permanent tyranny because we do not accept the possibility of permanent slavery. Liberty will come to those who love it.
Today, America speaks anew to the peoples of the world:
All who live in tyranny and hopelessness can know: the United States will not ignore your oppression, or excuse your oppressors. When you stand for your liberty, we will stand with you.
Democratic reformers facing repression, prison, or exile can know: America sees you for who you are: the future leaders of your free country.
The rulers of outlaw regimes can know that we still believe as Abraham Lincoln did: "Those who deny freedom to others deserve it not for themselves; and, under the rule of a just God, cannot long retain it."
The leaders of governments with long habits of control need to know: To serve your people you must learn to trust them. Start on this journey of progress and justice, and America will walk at your side.
And all the allies of the United States can know: we honor your friendship, we rely on your counsel, and we depend on your help. Division among free nations is a primary goal of freedom's enemies. The concerted effort of free nations to promote democracy is a prelude to our enemies' defeat.
Today, I also speak anew to my fellow citizens:
From all of you, I have asked patience in the hard task of securing America, which you have granted in good measure. Our country has accepted obligations that are difficult to fulfill, and would be dishonorable to abandon. Yet because we have acted in the great liberating tradition of this nation, tens of millions have achieved their freedom. And as hope kindles hope, millions more will find it. By our efforts, we have lit a fire as well - a fire in the minds of men. It warms those who feel its power, it burns those who fight its progress, and one day this untamed fire of freedom will reach the darkest corners of our world.
A few Americans have accepted the hardest duties in this cause - in the quiet work of intelligence and diplomacy …… the idealistic work of helping raise up free governments …… the dangerous and necessary work of fighting our enemies. Some have shown their devotion to our country in deaths that honored their whole lives - and we will always honor their names and their sacrifice.
All Americans have witnessed this idealism, and some for the first time. I ask our youngest citizens to believe the evidence of your eyes. You have seen duty and allegiance in the determined faces of our soldiers. You have seen that life is fragile, and evil is real, and courage triumphs. Make the choice to serve in a cause larger than your wants, larger than yourself - and in your days you will add not just to the wealth of our country, but to its character.
America has need of idealism and courage, because we have essential work at home - the unfinished work of American freedom. In a world moving toward liberty, we are determined to show the meaning and promise of liberty.
In America's ideal of freedom, citizens find the dignity and security of economic independence, instead of laboring on the edge of subsistence. This is the broader definition of liberty that motivated the Homestead Act, the Social Security Act, and the G.I. Bill of Rights. And now we will extend this vision by reforming great institutions to serve the needs of our time. To give every American a stake in the promise and future of our country, we will bring the highest standards to our schools, and build an ownership society. We will widen the ownership of homes and businesses, retirement savings and health insurance - preparing our people for the challenges of life in a free society. By making every citizen an agent of his or her own destiny, we will give our fellow Americans greater freedom from want and fear, and make our society more prosperous and just and equal.
In America's ideal of freedom, the public interest depends on private character - on integrity, and tolerance toward others, and the rule of conscience in our own lives. Self-government relies, in the end, on the governing of the self. That edifice of character is built in families, supported by communities with standards, and sustained in our national life by the truths of Sinai, the Sermon on the Mount, the words of the Koran, and the varied faiths of our people. Americans move forward in every generation by reaffirming all that is good and true that came before - ideals of justice and conduct that are the same yesterday, today, and forever.
In America's ideal of freedom, the exercise of rights is ennobled by service, and mercy, and a heart for the weak. Liberty for all does not mean independence from one another. Our nation relies on men and women who look after a neighbor and surround the lost with love. Americans, at our best, value the life we see in one another, and must always remember that even the unwanted have worth. And our country must abandon all the habits of racism, because we cannot carry the message of freedom and the baggage of bigotry at the same time.
From the perspective of a single day, including this day of dedication, the issues and questions before our country are many. From the viewpoint of centuries, the questions that come to us are narrowed and few. Did our generation advance the cause of freedom? And did our character bring credit to that cause?
These questions that judge us also unite us, because Americans of every party and background, Americans by choice and by birth, are bound to one another in the cause of freedom. We have known divisions, which must be healed to move forward in great purposes - and I will strive in good faith to heal them. Yet those divisions do not define America. We felt the unity and fellowship of our nation when freedom came under attack, and our response came like a single hand over a single heart. And we can feel that same unity and pride whenever America acts for good, and the victims of disaster are given hope, and the unjust encounter justice, and the captives are set free.
We go forward with complete confidence in the eventual triumph of freedom. Not because history runs on the wheels of inevitability; it is human choices that move events. Not because we consider ourselves a chosen nation; God moves and chooses as He wills. We have confidence because freedom is the permanent hope of mankind, the hunger in dark places, the longing of the soul. When our Founders declared a new order of the ages; when soldiers died in wave upon wave for a union based on liberty; when citizens marched in peaceful outrage under the banner "Freedom Now" - they were acting on an ancient hope that is meant to be fulfilled. History has an ebb and flow of justice, but history also has a visible direction, set by liberty and the Author of Liberty.
When the Declaration of Independence was first read in public and the Liberty Bell was sounded in celebration, a witness said, "It rang as if it meant something." In our time it means something still. America, in this young century, proclaims liberty throughout all the world, and to all the inhabitants thereof. Renewed in our strength - tested, but not weary - we are ready for the greatest achievements in the history of freedom.
May God bless you, and may He watch over the United States of America.
小布什在第二任期就职演说
小布什在第二任期就职演说
(转贴) 美国总统的自由化政纲
2005年1月20日小布什在第二任期就职演说全文：今天，按照宪法规定我们举行这个仪式。我们在此欢庆我国宪法那历久弥新的智慧，重温使我们国家团结如一的深切责任感。我感佩这个时刻带来的荣耀，意识到我们时代的期盼并期待着完成我的誓言，请你们做证。这是我们的第二次聚会，我们的责任并非由我的讲演来确定，它源于我们当前历史时期的要求。半个世纪以来，美国一直在遥远的边界上捍卫着我们的自由；共产主义破产后我们有相对平静、懒散的岁月，而后是火光四射的那一天。我们已明了自身的弱点，我们也深知其根源。只要世界某些区域酝酿着不满、滋生着暴君，就会产生宣扬仇恨和为屠杀寻找借口的意识形态，就会聚集暴力和毁灭的能量，它们会越过严密把守的边界带来毁灭的威胁。这个世界只存在一种力量可以冲决仇恨、揭露暴君的虚伪、扶植容忍、培育尊严，那就是人类的自由。历史和常识引导我们得出一个结论：自由是否能在我们的土地上存在，正日益依赖于自由在别国的胜利，对和平的热切期望只能源于自由在世界上的扩展。关系到美国生死存亡的利益和我们基本的信念合而为一。自立国始，我们就一直宣告：生于世间的每个男女都拥有他们的权利、尊严和无可比拟的价值，因为他们拥有创造天地之神的形像。我们的每一届政府，都重申着民有政权的重要性，因为没有什么人更适合成为主人而另一些人活该做奴隶。实现这一理念的使命是我们的立国之本，我们的先辈们荣耀地完成了这一使命。现在，进一步扩展这一理念是国家安全的要求，是我们的当务之急。因此，美国的政策是谋求并支持每一个国家及其文化中的民主运动和民主机制的发展，最终目标是在全世界结束任何极权制度。实现这个目标最终不应由暴力达成。但在必要时，我们将以武力自卫，并保卫我们的朋友。从本质上讲，自由必须由公民去选择，去捍卫，并通过立法加以维护，同时保障弱者。当一个国家的人民最终选择自由时，它的制度将反映着不同于我们的文化和传统。美国将不会强迫任何国家接受我们的国家体制；我们的目的是帮助其他国家找到自己的声音、获得自身的自由、开创属于自己的自由之路。终结专制统治的远大目标需要一代又一代人的共同努力，任务的艰巨不是无所作为的借口。美国的影响有限，但值得那些受压迫者庆幸的是，美国的影响也是有力的；为了自由的大业，我们将信心百倍地运用自己的影响力帮助你们。保卫我们的国家和人民不再受到袭击和威胁，是我最神圣的职责。有些人愚顽狂妄地要试探美国的决心，他们看到的定是我们坚不可摧的意志。我们坚定地给每一个国家的统治者提出这样的选择：请在压迫---这终究是错的，与自由---这永远是正确的，之间做道义的选择。美国不会装模作样地默认被关押的异议者自我选择枷锁，也不会默认妇女遭受屈辱和奴役，同样不会默认任何人类的一员在强权下忍气吞声地生活。我们将鼓励别国政府的改革，我们将明确地表示：必须善待本国人民才能与美国建立良好的关系。美国相信人类的尊严，这种信念是我们制定政策的指南。但是人权不能仅是独裁者勉强做出的违心的让步，人权必须由发表不同意见（即反对）的自由和人民的平等参政权利来保障。从长远看，没有自由，就没有正义；没有自由，就不可能有人权。我知道，有些人对于我们在全球传播自由的理念心存疑虑，尽管最近的四十年间自由得到了空前迅猛的发展，这种疑虑在今天似乎不合时宜。全体美国人民不应被我们理念的力量所惊吓。总有一天，自由呼唤将叩开每一个心灵，触动每一个灵魂。我们拒绝专制年复一年地存在，因为我们无法接受暴政带来的永久的奴役。自由终将来到热爱她的人们中间。今天，美国向世界各国人民重申：那些生活在专制下绝望的人民应该知道，美利坚合众国不会漠视你们遭受的压迫，也不会姑息那些压迫者。当你们挺起胸膛争取自由时，美国将和你们站在一起。那些面对着压制、监禁和流放的民主斗士应该知道，美国对你们的作为了然于心——你们是未来自由国家的领袖。那些践踏法律的统治者应该知道，美国仍然坚守林肯总统的信念：“那些剥夺他人自由的人不配享有自由；在公正的上帝面前，这种人的统治不可能长久。”那些习惯于控制人民的政府领导人应该知道：为了服务人民，你必须学会信任人民；当你踏上这条通往进步和正义的道路，美国将站在你这一边。美国的所有盟友们应该知道：我们珍视我们的友谊，我们倾听你们的建议，我们依赖于你们的帮助。在自由国家间制造分裂，是专制者的首要目的。自由国家齐心协力推进民主，将敲响专制政权的丧钟。今天，我也要对美国的公民们重申：保卫国家安全是一项艰巨的任务，我请求你们一如既往地给予更多的耐心。我们的国家担负着千难万险的义务，半途而废将是一种耻辱。我们的行动继承了我们国家解放者的传统，成千上万的人们已经因此获得了自由。希望点燃新的希望，越来越多的人将看到希望的火光。通过我们的努力，我们在人们的心中点燃了自由的火种，温暖着感受到它的力量的人们，烧毁那些试图阻挠自由的羁绊；终有一天，这永不熄灭的自由之火将燃遍这个世界最阴暗的角落。一些美国人已经担负起了这项事业中极为困难的任务——或以默默奉献的精神从事情报和外交工作、或以理想主义热忱帮助一些国家建立自由政府、或冒着生命危险义无反顾地和敌人进行斗争。他们中有一些人为国家献出了宝贵生命，我们将永远铭记他们的名字和他们的牺牲精神。所有的美国人都亲眼见证了这种理想主义，有些人是平生第一次看到，我请求我们最年轻的一代人相信自己的亲眼所见。从士兵们坚毅的面孔，你们看到了恪尽职守和忠诚不二的精神。你们也看到了生命极为脆弱，邪恶并非虚幻，而勇气则所向无敌。请做出选择，确定一个你愿意献身的事业，这项事业将超越你的需求、超越你的自我——这样，等到到你们长大成人，你们不仅会为我们的国家创造财富，更会为我们的国民精神增光添彩。美国需要理想主义，需要勇气，因为国内还有重要任务——那就是尚未完成的美国自由大业。在一个走向自由的世界里，我们决心展示自由的意义和自由的承诺。在美国自由的信念里，公民享有人的尊严和经济上的独立，不是终日劳碌，勉强糊口。这就是广义的自由，是我们起草《房屋法案》、《社会安全法案》和《退伍军人权益法案》动因。现在，我们将改革这些伟大的制度以更好地服务于我们的时代，并扩展自由的视野。为了让每个人都有机会分享国家的承诺和未来，我们将用最高标准来建设我们的学校，建立一个有产者社会。我们要让更多的人拥有自己的住房、事业、退休金和医疗保险(注：不要错误理解为美国没有这种保险，他在推销他的改革计划)——让我们的人民有备无患地面对自由社会的挑战。当每个公民都有能力主宰自己的命运，我们就会使美国人免于贫困和恐惧，享有更大的自由，从而使我们的社会更繁荣、更公正、更平等。在美国的自由理念里，公众利益依赖于个人品质——完善的人格、宽容忍让的品性和理性的生活准则。说到底，民主依赖于良好的自我管理。这座品格的大厦奠基于家庭之中，由高质量的邻里和社区关系来支撑，并在我们的国民生活里贯彻始终；它依赖于西奈箴言（十戒）、登山宝训、可兰经的教诲，以及各种各样的信仰得到滋养。每一代美国人都传承了上一代的真与善，并籍此不断前进——任时光流转，公正的理想和正义的行为，昨天、今天、将来，都始终如一。在美国的自由理想里，服务公众、善待他人、同情弱者赋予了个人权利以高贵的品质。人人享有自由并不意味着人人隔膜疏离。我们的国家依赖于那些呵护邻里、关爱失意者的男男女女。美国人最好的表现在于珍视每一个人的生活，必须永远记住即使是那些被遗弃的人也有他们的价值。我们的国家一定要抛弃一切种族主义习性，因为我们不能在传播自由的观念时，依然背着偏见的包袱。以每一天观之，包括我宣誓就职的今天，摆在我们国家面前的问题数不胜数。以数百年观之，我们面对的问题集中而突出。这些问题无非是：我们这一代有没有拓展自由的疆界？我们的所作所为有没有为自由的事业增添光彩？这些问题裁量着我们的作为，也把我们团结在一起。因为所有美国人——不论党派、背景，也不论是血统上的美国人，或是归化来的美国人——在推进自由的事业上不可分离。我们经历过分歧，必须弥合裂痕才能向着伟大的目标迈进——我将用最大的诚意去努力弥合这种裂痕。但是这种裂痕并不是美国的特性。当自由受到攻击时，我们曾经深深地感受国家团结的力量和同胞的情谊，我们的反应万众一心，我们的回击同仇敌忾。每当美国为了正义的事业而奋起前行，给灾民送去希望，以正义抗击不义，为囚徒砸碎锁链，我们都体会到那一如既往的团结力量并为此感到自豪。自由终将获得胜利，我们满怀信心，向着这个目标前进。历史的发展道路并非无可改变，人类做出的选择才推动了历史前进的方向。我们并没有自认为是上帝的选民，上帝依照自己的意志，推动历史，做出选择。我们坚信：自由是人类永恒的希望，是黑暗中的渴求，是灵魂深处的期盼。当国父们宣告了世代相传的自由准则时，当一批批士兵为了保卫自由的联邦而献出自己的生命时，当民众们高举“现在就要自由”的旗帜，强忍怒火和平抗议时——他们在实践着那古老的自由希望，这希望一定会成为现实。虽然公在历史长河潮起潮落，但历史总有一条清晰的脉络，那就是自由本身的轨迹，它是自由的创造者留给我们的路标。当《独立宣言》第一次向公众宣读、自由之钟在庆典上敲响时，一个亲眼目睹的人这样说道：“它在鸣响着，似乎意味深长。”在这朝气蓬勃的新世纪里，美国将把自由撒播到世界的每一个角落，传递给那里的每一个居民。美国将重振雄风——饱经砥砺，依然不倦不怠——时刻准备着去成就人类自由史上最伟大的业绩。愿上帝保佑你们，愿上帝护佑美利坚合众国。历史学家瑞克申科曼（Rick Shenkman）研究了历届美国总统的就职演说，发现它们有个共性，就是所有美国总统在就职演说中必然会提到以下几点：美国人应该敬畏上帝、美国人应该推动全球自由民主与和平、美国是世界的楷模、美国人应该全民团结、总统对人民的智慧有信心、尊崇开国元勋等。这几个共性都包含了对民主自由的执着以及美国人的使命感。2005年5月8日，布什总统在拉脱维亚发表讲话，对二战结束前夕美国的决策作出了沉痛反省：“雅尔塔协议”继承了“慕尼黑协议”和“莫洛托夫—里宾特洛夫条约”（苏德友好条约）的非正义传统，是用大国强权协议来牺牲小国的自由。“这是历史上最大的错误之一，我们不会重犯这样的错误，为追求假稳定而姑息暴政、强权和牺牲自由。我们已经上了一课，任何人的自由都不能牺牲。我们长远的安全和真正的稳定取决于其它人的自由。”2007年 6月5日布什在布拉格的“民主与安全会议”上演讲道：自由是每个男人、女人和孩子不可转让的权利，自由是我们世界建立永久和平的途径。……***国家也曾经历勃列日涅夫、昂纳克和齐奥塞斯库等人的严厉统治，但最终，它战胜不过瓦文萨和哈韦尔的理想，萨哈罗夫和沙兰斯基的抗拒，里根和撒切尔夫人的决心以及约翰保罗的无畏见证。历史的经验清楚地说明了一个真理：自由可以被抵制，自由可以被拖延，但自由绝不能被抗拒。自由可以被抵制，自由可以被拖延，但自由绝不能被抗拒。……在反抗极端主义的斗争中，最强大的武器不是子弹或炸弹——而是对自由的普遍诉求。自由是我们建国者的理念设计，是每个心灵的渴望追求。自由是一个国家释放创造力和经济潜力的最佳途径，自由是一个社会追求正义的惟一秩序。人类自由是实现人权的唯一途径。……结束暴政需要道德良心力量的支持，它会从内部削弱专制社会。苏联的持不同政见者安德烈.阿马利克将一个独裁国家比作时时把枪指着敌人的士兵——直到他的手臂最终疲劳，犯人逃跑。自由世界的作用就是给世界上暴君的手臂增加压力——并且加强犯人试图加速政权崩溃的力量。……最近我们设立了人权守护者基金，为受到专制政府逮捕或殴打的民主活动家提供法律辩护、医疗救助等援助措施。我强烈支持会议准备发表的《布拉格文件》，文件指出，“保护人权对国际和平和安全至关重要”。为了实现宣言的目标，我已要求赖斯国务卿向每一个在不自由国家的美国大使发出指令：竭力寻找并会见民主运动活动家，竭力寻找要求人权的人们。……所有的民主国家都有一些共同的基本要素——言论自由、宗教自由、新闻自由、集会自由，独立法院执行的法治，私人财产权以及在自由公正选举中进行竞争的政党。这些权利和制度是人类尊严的基石，随着各国探索符合本国的自由发展之路，他们必定发现美国是一个忠诚的伙伴。
布什说：一些人认为，结束暴政意味着“将我们的价值观强加”在那些与我们价值观不同的人或那些生活在自由还未扎根的世界的人身上。这一论点经不起反驳，如果给人民一次选择，他们必定选择自由。当拉丁美洲的人民从独裁政体转向民主政体的时候，当南非人民用自由秩序取代种族隔离的时候，当印尼人民结束长期的威权统治的时候，我们看到了自由；当系着橙色丝带的乌克兰人要求计算选票的时候，我们看到了自由；当成千上万的阿富汗人和伊拉克人不畏恐怖分子的威胁去选举自由政府的时候，我们看到了自由。在巴格达的一个投票站，我被一个只有一条腿的伊拉克人的一番话深深打动，他对记者说：“如果我不得不这样子的话，我会爬着到这儿来投票。”我倒要反问一下那些批评家，民主难道是强加在那个人身上的吗？自由难道不是他所认同的价值观吗？事实上，将价值观强加在人们身上的人恰恰是极端分子、激进分子和专制暴君。……这就是***为什么要镇压布拉格之春，把一个无辜的剧作家投入监狱，对波兰教皇的见证感到颤抖的原因。历史表明，自由最终会征服恐惧。如果有机会，自由也将会征服全世界每个国家的恐惧。……在哈韦尔总统的第一次演讲中，他宣布：“人民，你们的政府已经归还了你们！”他要表达的意思是，自由是永恒的，自由不属于一个政府或一代人。自由是每个时代每个国家每个人的梦想和权利。……自由的事业不会疲倦，自由的未来将掌握在最好的人的手里。怀着对自由力量的不可动摇的信念，你们将会鼓舞你们的人民，你们将会领导你们的国家，你们将会改变世界。
(转贴) 美国总统的自由化政纲
2005年1月20日小布什在第二任期就职演说全文：今天，按照宪法规定我们举行这个仪式。我们在此欢庆我国宪法那历久弥新的智慧，重温使我们国家团结如一的深切责任感。我感佩这个时刻带来的荣耀，意识到我们时代的期盼并期待着完成我的誓言，请你们做证。这是我们的第二次聚会，我们的责任并非由我的讲演来确定，它源于我们当前历史时期的要求。半个世纪以来，美国一直在遥远的边界上捍卫着我们的自由；共产主义破产后我们有相对平静、懒散的岁月，而后是火光四射的那一天。我们已明了自身的弱点，我们也深知其根源。只要世界某些区域酝酿着不满、滋生着暴君，就会产生宣扬仇恨和为屠杀寻找借口的意识形态，就会聚集暴力和毁灭的能量，它们会越过严密把守的边界带来毁灭的威胁。这个世界只存在一种力量可以冲决仇恨、揭露暴君的虚伪、扶植容忍、培育尊严，那就是人类的自由。历史和常识引导我们得出一个结论：自由是否能在我们的土地上存在，正日益依赖于自由在别国的胜利，对和平的热切期望只能源于自由在世界上的扩展。关系到美国生死存亡的利益和我们基本的信念合而为一。自立国始，我们就一直宣告：生于世间的每个男女都拥有他们的权利、尊严和无可比拟的价值，因为他们拥有创造天地之神的形像。我们的每一届政府，都重申着民有政权的重要性，因为没有什么人更适合成为主人而另一些人活该做奴隶。实现这一理念的使命是我们的立国之本，我们的先辈们荣耀地完成了这一使命。现在，进一步扩展这一理念是国家安全的要求，是我们的当务之急。因此，美国的政策是谋求并支持每一个国家及其文化中的民主运动和民主机制的发展，最终目标是在全世界结束任何极权制度。实现这个目标最终不应由暴力达成。但在必要时，我们将以武力自卫，并保卫我们的朋友。从本质上讲，自由必须由公民去选择，去捍卫，并通过立法加以维护，同时保障弱者。当一个国家的人民最终选择自由时，它的制度将反映着不同于我们的文化和传统。美国将不会强迫任何国家接受我们的国家体制；我们的目的是帮助其他国家找到自己的声音、获得自身的自由、开创属于自己的自由之路。终结专制统治的远大目标需要一代又一代人的共同努力，任务的艰巨不是无所作为的借口。美国的影响有限，但值得那些受压迫者庆幸的是，美国的影响也是有力的；为了自由的大业，我们将信心百倍地运用自己的影响力帮助你们。保卫我们的国家和人民不再受到袭击和威胁，是我最神圣的职责。有些人愚顽狂妄地要试探美国的决心，他们看到的定是我们坚不可摧的意志。我们坚定地给每一个国家的统治者提出这样的选择：请在压迫---这终究是错的，与自由---这永远是正确的，之间做道义的选择。美国不会装模作样地默认被关押的异议者自我选择枷锁，也不会默认妇女遭受屈辱和奴役，同样不会默认任何人类的一员在强权下忍气吞声地生活。我们将鼓励别国政府的改革，我们将明确地表示：必须善待本国人民才能与美国建立良好的关系。美国相信人类的尊严，这种信念是我们制定政策的指南。但是人权不能仅是独裁者勉强做出的违心的让步，人权必须由发表不同意见（即反对）的自由和人民的平等参政权利来保障。从长远看，没有自由，就没有正义；没有自由，就不可能有人权。我知道，有些人对于我们在全球传播自由的理念心存疑虑，尽管最近的四十年间自由得到了空前迅猛的发展，这种疑虑在今天似乎不合时宜。全体美国人民不应被我们理念的力量所惊吓。总有一天，自由呼唤将叩开每一个心灵，触动每一个灵魂。我们拒绝专制年复一年地存在，因为我们无法接受暴政带来的永久的奴役。自由终将来到热爱她的人们中间。今天，美国向世界各国人民重申：那些生活在专制下绝望的人民应该知道，美利坚合众国不会漠视你们遭受的压迫，也不会姑息那些压迫者。当你们挺起胸膛争取自由时，美国将和你们站在一起。那些面对着压制、监禁和流放的民主斗士应该知道，美国对你们的作为了然于心——你们是未来自由国家的领袖。那些践踏法律的统治者应该知道，美国仍然坚守林肯总统的信念：“那些剥夺他人自由的人不配享有自由；在公正的上帝面前，这种人的统治不可能长久。”那些习惯于控制人民的政府领导人应该知道：为了服务人民，你必须学会信任人民；当你踏上这条通往进步和正义的道路，美国将站在你这一边。美国的所有盟友们应该知道：我们珍视我们的友谊，我们倾听你们的建议，我们依赖于你们的帮助。在自由国家间制造分裂，是专制者的首要目的。自由国家齐心协力推进民主，将敲响专制政权的丧钟。今天，我也要对美国的公民们重申：保卫国家安全是一项艰巨的任务，我请求你们一如既往地给予更多的耐心。我们的国家担负着千难万险的义务，半途而废将是一种耻辱。我们的行动继承了我们国家解放者的传统，成千上万的人们已经因此获得了自由。希望点燃新的希望，越来越多的人将看到希望的火光。通过我们的努力，我们在人们的心中点燃了自由的火种，温暖着感受到它的力量的人们，烧毁那些试图阻挠自由的羁绊；终有一天，这永不熄灭的自由之火将燃遍这个世界最阴暗的角落。一些美国人已经担负起了这项事业中极为困难的任务——或以默默奉献的精神从事情报和外交工作、或以理想主义热忱帮助一些国家建立自由政府、或冒着生命危险义无反顾地和敌人进行斗争。他们中有一些人为国家献出了宝贵生命，我们将永远铭记他们的名字和他们的牺牲精神。所有的美国人都亲眼见证了这种理想主义，有些人是平生第一次看到，我请求我们最年轻的一代人相信自己的亲眼所见。从士兵们坚毅的面孔，你们看到了恪尽职守和忠诚不二的精神。你们也看到了生命极为脆弱，邪恶并非虚幻，而勇气则所向无敌。请做出选择，确定一个你愿意献身的事业，这项事业将超越你的需求、超越你的自我——这样，等到到你们长大成人，你们不仅会为我们的国家创造财富，更会为我们的国民精神增光添彩。美国需要理想主义，需要勇气，因为国内还有重要任务——那就是尚未完成的美国自由大业。在一个走向自由的世界里，我们决心展示自由的意义和自由的承诺。在美国自由的信念里，公民享有人的尊严和经济上的独立，不是终日劳碌，勉强糊口。这就是广义的自由，是我们起草《房屋法案》、《社会安全法案》和《退伍军人权益法案》动因。现在，我们将改革这些伟大的制度以更好地服务于我们的时代，并扩展自由的视野。为了让每个人都有机会分享国家的承诺和未来，我们将用最高标准来建设我们的学校，建立一个有产者社会。我们要让更多的人拥有自己的住房、事业、退休金和医疗保险(注：不要错误理解为美国没有这种保险，他在推销他的改革计划)——让我们的人民有备无患地面对自由社会的挑战。当每个公民都有能力主宰自己的命运，我们就会使美国人免于贫困和恐惧，享有更大的自由，从而使我们的社会更繁荣、更公正、更平等。在美国的自由理念里，公众利益依赖于个人品质——完善的人格、宽容忍让的品性和理性的生活准则。说到底，民主依赖于良好的自我管理。这座品格的大厦奠基于家庭之中，由高质量的邻里和社区关系来支撑，并在我们的国民生活里贯彻始终；它依赖于西奈箴言（十戒）、登山宝训、可兰经的教诲，以及各种各样的信仰得到滋养。每一代美国人都传承了上一代的真与善，并籍此不断前进——任时光流转，公正的理想和正义的行为，昨天、今天、将来，都始终如一。在美国的自由理想里，服务公众、善待他人、同情弱者赋予了个人权利以高贵的品质。人人享有自由并不意味着人人隔膜疏离。我们的国家依赖于那些呵护邻里、关爱失意者的男男女女。美国人最好的表现在于珍视每一个人的生活，必须永远记住即使是那些被遗弃的人也有他们的价值。我们的国家一定要抛弃一切种族主义习性，因为我们不能在传播自由的观念时，依然背着偏见的包袱。以每一天观之，包括我宣誓就职的今天，摆在我们国家面前的问题数不胜数。以数百年观之，我们面对的问题集中而突出。这些问题无非是：我们这一代有没有拓展自由的疆界？我们的所作所为有没有为自由的事业增添光彩？这些问题裁量着我们的作为，也把我们团结在一起。因为所有美国人——不论党派、背景，也不论是血统上的美国人，或是归化来的美国人——在推进自由的事业上不可分离。我们经历过分歧，必须弥合裂痕才能向着伟大的目标迈进——我将用最大的诚意去努力弥合这种裂痕。但是这种裂痕并不是美国的特性。当自由受到攻击时，我们曾经深深地感受国家团结的力量和同胞的情谊，我们的反应万众一心，我们的回击同仇敌忾。每当美国为了正义的事业而奋起前行，给灾民送去希望，以正义抗击不义，为囚徒砸碎锁链，我们都体会到那一如既往的团结力量并为此感到自豪。自由终将获得胜利，我们满怀信心，向着这个目标前进。历史的发展道路并非无可改变，人类做出的选择才推动了历史前进的方向。我们并没有自认为是上帝的选民，上帝依照自己的意志，推动历史，做出选择。我们坚信：自由是人类永恒的希望，是黑暗中的渴求，是灵魂深处的期盼。当国父们宣告了世代相传的自由准则时，当一批批士兵为了保卫自由的联邦而献出自己的生命时，当民众们高举“现在就要自由”的旗帜，强忍怒火和平抗议时——他们在实践着那古老的自由希望，这希望一定会成为现实。虽然公在历史长河潮起潮落，但历史总有一条清晰的脉络，那就是自由本身的轨迹，它是自由的创造者留给我们的路标。当《独立宣言》第一次向公众宣读、自由之钟在庆典上敲响时，一个亲眼目睹的人这样说道：“它在鸣响着，似乎意味深长。”在这朝气蓬勃的新世纪里，美国将把自由撒播到世界的每一个角落，传递给那里的每一个居民。美国将重振雄风——饱经砥砺，依然不倦不怠——时刻准备着去成就人类自由史上最伟大的业绩。愿上帝保佑你们，愿上帝护佑美利坚合众国。历史学家瑞克申科曼（Rick Shenkman）研究了历届美国总统的就职演说，发现它们有个共性，就是所有美国总统在就职演说中必然会提到以下几点：美国人应该敬畏上帝、美国人应该推动全球自由民主与和平、美国是世界的楷模、美国人应该全民团结、总统对人民的智慧有信心、尊崇开国元勋等。这几个共性都包含了对民主自由的执着以及美国人的使命感。2005年5月8日，布什总统在拉脱维亚发表讲话，对二战结束前夕美国的决策作出了沉痛反省：“雅尔塔协议”继承了“慕尼黑协议”和“莫洛托夫—里宾特洛夫条约”（苏德友好条约）的非正义传统，是用大国强权协议来牺牲小国的自由。“这是历史上最大的错误之一，我们不会重犯这样的错误，为追求假稳定而姑息暴政、强权和牺牲自由。我们已经上了一课，任何人的自由都不能牺牲。我们长远的安全和真正的稳定取决于其它人的自由。”2007年 6月5日布什在布拉格的“民主与安全会议”上演讲道：自由是每个男人、女人和孩子不可转让的权利，自由是我们世界建立永久和平的途径。……***国家也曾经历勃列日涅夫、昂纳克和齐奥塞斯库等人的严厉统治，但最终，它战胜不过瓦文萨和哈韦尔的理想，萨哈罗夫和沙兰斯基的抗拒，里根和撒切尔夫人的决心以及约翰保罗的无畏见证。历史的经验清楚地说明了一个真理：自由可以被抵制，自由可以被拖延，但自由绝不能被抗拒。自由可以被抵制，自由可以被拖延，但自由绝不能被抗拒。……在反抗极端主义的斗争中，最强大的武器不是子弹或炸弹——而是对自由的普遍诉求。自由是我们建国者的理念设计，是每个心灵的渴望追求。自由是一个国家释放创造力和经济潜力的最佳途径，自由是一个社会追求正义的惟一秩序。人类自由是实现人权的唯一途径。……结束暴政需要道德良心力量的支持，它会从内部削弱专制社会。苏联的持不同政见者安德烈.阿马利克将一个独裁国家比作时时把枪指着敌人的士兵——直到他的手臂最终疲劳，犯人逃跑。自由世界的作用就是给世界上暴君的手臂增加压力——并且加强犯人试图加速政权崩溃的力量。……最近我们设立了人权守护者基金，为受到专制政府逮捕或殴打的民主活动家提供法律辩护、医疗救助等援助措施。我强烈支持会议准备发表的《布拉格文件》，文件指出，“保护人权对国际和平和安全至关重要”。为了实现宣言的目标，我已要求赖斯国务卿向每一个在不自由国家的美国大使发出指令：竭力寻找并会见民主运动活动家，竭力寻找要求人权的人们。……所有的民主国家都有一些共同的基本要素——言论自由、宗教自由、新闻自由、集会自由，独立法院执行的法治，私人财产权以及在自由公正选举中进行竞争的政党。这些权利和制度是人类尊严的基石，随着各国探索符合本国的自由发展之路，他们必定发现美国是一个忠诚的伙伴。
布什说：一些人认为，结束暴政意味着“将我们的价值观强加”在那些与我们价值观不同的人或那些生活在自由还未扎根的世界的人身上。这一论点经不起反驳，如果给人民一次选择，他们必定选择自由。当拉丁美洲的人民从独裁政体转向民主政体的时候，当南非人民用自由秩序取代种族隔离的时候，当印尼人民结束长期的威权统治的时候，我们看到了自由；当系着橙色丝带的乌克兰人要求计算选票的时候，我们看到了自由；当成千上万的阿富汗人和伊拉克人不畏恐怖分子的威胁去选举自由政府的时候，我们看到了自由。在巴格达的一个投票站，我被一个只有一条腿的伊拉克人的一番话深深打动，他对记者说：“如果我不得不这样子的话，我会爬着到这儿来投票。”我倒要反问一下那些批评家，民主难道是强加在那个人身上的吗？自由难道不是他所认同的价值观吗？事实上，将价值观强加在人们身上的人恰恰是极端分子、激进分子和专制暴君。……这就是***为什么要镇压布拉格之春，把一个无辜的剧作家投入监狱，对波兰教皇的见证感到颤抖的原因。历史表明，自由最终会征服恐惧。如果有机会，自由也将会征服全世界每个国家的恐惧。……在哈韦尔总统的第一次演讲中，他宣布：“人民，你们的政府已经归还了你们！”他要表达的意思是，自由是永恒的，自由不属于一个政府或一代人。自由是每个时代每个国家每个人的梦想和权利。……自由的事业不会疲倦，自由的未来将掌握在最好的人的手里。怀着对自由力量的不可动摇的信念，你们将会鼓舞你们的人民，你们将会领导你们的国家，你们将会改变世界。
让自由圣火照亮全球
让自由圣火照亮全球
(小布什在第二任期就职演说全文/2005年1月20日)
今天，按照宪法规定我们举行这个仪式。我们在此欢庆我国宪法常青的智慧，追寻我们团结全国的深切责任感。我感佩这个时刻带来的荣耀，意识到我们时代的期盼并期待着完成我的誓言，请你们做证。这是我们第二次聚会，我们的责任并非由我的讲演来确定，它源于我们当前历史时期的要求。半个世纪以来，美国在遥远的边界上捍卫着我们的自由；共产主义破产后我们有相对平静、懒散的岁月，而后是火光四射的那一天。
我们已明了自身的弱点，我们也深知其根源。只要世界某些区域酝酿着不满、滋生着暴君，就会产生宣扬仇恨和为屠杀寻找借口的意识形态，就会聚集暴力和毁灭的能量，它们会越过严密把守的边界带来毁灭的威胁。这个世界只存在一种力量可以冲决仇恨、揭露暴君的虚伪、扶植容忍、培育尊严，那就是人类的自由。
我们受常识的指引和历史的教诲，得出如下结论：自由是否能在我们的土地上存在，正日益依赖于自由在别国的胜利，对和平的热切期望只能源于自由在世界上的扩展。关系到美国生死存亡的利益和我们基本的信念合而为一。自立国始，我们就一直宣告：生于世间的每个男女都拥有他们的权利、尊严和无可比拟的价值，因为他们拥有创造天地之神的形像。我们的每一届政府，都重申着民有政权的重要性，因为没有什么人应该是主人而另一些人应该做奴隶。实现这一理念的使命是我们的立国之本，我们的先父荣耀地完成了这一使命。进一步扩展这一理念是国家安全的要求，是我们的当务之急。
因此，美国的政策是寻求并支持世界各国和各种文化背景下成长的民主运动，寻求并支持民主的制度化，最终的目标是终结世间的任何极权制度。这个目标最终不应由暴力达成。尽管在必要时，我们将以武力自卫，并保卫我们的朋友。自由的性质要求公民去自觉地选择它、捍卫它，并通过立法加以维护，同时保障弱者。当一个国家的人民最终选择自由时，它的制度将反映着不同于我们的文化和传统。美国将不会强迫任何国家接受我们的国家体制；我们的目的是帮助其他国家找到自己的声音、获得自身的自由，发现自己的自由之路。
终结专制统治的巨大使命是几代人努力的目标，其难度不是无所作为的借口。美国的影响有限，但值得庆幸的是，美国的影响也是有力的，我们将充满信心地在追求自由的道路上帮助你们。我最庄严的责任是保护我的国家和人民不再受到任何袭击和威胁。有些人不明智地选择了试探美国的决心，他们发现了我们坚定的意志。我们坚定地给每一个国家的统治者提出这样的选择：请在压迫---这终究是错的，与自由---这永远是正确的，之间做道义的选择。美国不会装模作样地默认被关押的异议者自我选择枷锁，也不会默认妇女成为可耻的代名词，看着她们变成奴仆，同样不会默认任何人类的一员仰人鼻息地生活。
我们将鼓励其它政府的改革，我们将明确表示与美国良好的关系要求他们善对自己的公民。美国对人的尊严的信念将指导我们的政策，但是人民权力并不是源于**者违心的让步，它们应该源于人民反对的自由和被统治者的平等参与。从长远看，没有自由，就没有正义，没有人类的自由就不存在人权。
我知道，有些人质疑全球自由，尽管经过40年自由迅猛的发展，这个怀疑似乎不合时宜。美国全体人民不应被我们理念的力量所惊吓。最终，自由呼唤将发自每一个心灵。我们拒绝接受永恒的专制，因为我们拒绝接受永久的奴役，自由将来到热爱她的人们中间。
今天，美国向世界各国人民重申：那些生活在专制下绝望的人民应该知道，美利坚合众国不会漠视你们被压迫，不会姑息你们的压迫者。当你们挺起胸膛保卫自己的自由时，美国将站在你们一边。那些面对着压制、监狱和流放的民主斗士应该知道，美国知道你们的潜力：你们是你们未来自由国家的领袖。那些无法无天的统治者应该知道，我们仍然抱有林肯总统的信念：“那些剥夺他人自由的人不配享有自由；在公正的上帝面前，这种人的统治也不会长久。”那些习惯于控制人民的统治者应该知道，为了服务你的人民你应该给予他们信任；开始踏上进步和正义之路，那样，美国将站在你这一边。美国的所有盟友们应该知道：我们珍视我们的友谊，我们尊重你们的建议，我们依赖于你们的帮助。分裂自由国家的团结是自由敌人的目的，自由国家相互配合地推进民主是我们的敌人失败的开始。
今天,我也要对我的同胞、公民们说：我要求得到你们所有人的耐心，保卫国家安全是艰巨的任务，这样的耐心你们已经给予我很多了。我们的国家承担着一个困难重重的义务，中途放弃是可耻的。正是因为我们继续着我们国家解放者的传统，成千上万的人们获得了自由。希望催生新的希望，越来越多的人将获得自由（的圣火）。通过我们的努力，我们点燃了自由的火种，那火种在人们心中，温暖着感受它力量的人们，烧毁那些试图阻挠自由的羁绊；终有一天，这永不熄灭的自由之火将照亮这个世界最阴暗的角落。一些美国人已经接受这个事业中最困难的工作---那些默默无闻的情报和外交工作……这种理想主义激励他们帮助自由政府的工作……那些打击我们的敌人危险而必要的工作。他们中的一些人献出了生命，他们的国家永远以他们为荣---我们也会永远记住他们的名字和他们的贡献。
所有的美国人都见证了这种理想主义，有些人是第一次看到，我要求我们的青年相信自己的观察。你们看到了我们士兵们充满责任和忠诚的坚毅面孔，你们也看到了生命的脆弱和魔鬼的真实，你们更看到了战胜的勇气。请选择参加这一进程，它比起个人需要重要得多，比个人伟大得多。一旦轮到你们，你们不但增加了我们国家的财富，也将为她增添光彩。
美国需要理想主义和勇气，因为我们要完成国内的任务。美国自由的未竞之业，在一个走向自由的世界里，我们要展示自由的真义和自由的承诺。在美国自由的信念里，公民享有尊严和经济上的独立，不是生活在潦倒的边缘。这是更广义自由的定义，它促生了《房屋法案》、《社会安全法案》和《人权法案》。现在，我们将改革形成伟大的制度来服务于我们的时代，并扩展这一定义。每个美国人将分享国家的承诺和未来。我们将用最高的标准来要求我们的学校，建立一个有产者的社会。我们要让更多的人拥有自己的住房和事业、拥有自己的退休基金和医疗保险(注：不要错误理解为美国没有这种保险，他在推销他的改革计划)。让我们的人民对自由社会未来的挑战做好准备，让每个公民做他自己命运的主人。我们将把美国人民从匮乏和担忧中解脱，并把我们的社会建成更为富强平等的社会。
在美国的自由信念中，公共利益依赖于个人品质，这包括完善的人格、宽容忍让的品性和有理性的生活。说到底，民主依赖于良好的自我管理。良好的个人品德的大厦奠基于于家庭内，由高质量的邻里和社区关系来支撑和约束，并在国家生活里贯彻始终。它依赖于西奈箴言（十戒）、登山宝训、可兰经的教诲，以及各种各样的信仰的滋养。每一代美国人都传承了上一代的真与善，并籍此不断前进——任时光流转，公正的理想和正义的行为，昨天、今天、将来，都始终如一。在美国自由的信念中，个人权力的运用是由服务、宽容和对弱者的同情构成的。人人享有自由并不意味着人人隔膜疏离。我们国家依赖于那些呵护邻里、关爱失意者的男男女女。美国人最好的表现在于珍视每一个人的生活，必须永远记住即使是那些被遗弃的无用之人也有他们的价值。我国一定要抛弃一切种族主义的偏见，因为我们不能在传播自由的观念时，依然背着偏见的包袱。
从每一天看，就以今天为例，我们国家面临着诸多问题。从一个世纪看，我们面对的问题是集中而突出的。我们这一代有没有拓展自由的疆界？我们的所作所为有没有为这事业增添光彩？这些问题是我们的裁判，也团结了我们。因为无论是何党派、自我选择或是否出生于此，美国人在自由的道路上是不可分离的。我们知道分裂必须弥合，我们才能向伟大的目标前进，我将做出最大的努力去弥合分裂。但是这种裂痕不能左右美国。当自由受到威胁时，我们深感相互的团结和关联，我们的反击也如出自同手一心。当美国仗义而行、当灾民们得到救助、当正义得到伸张、当人民获得自由，我们也同样自豪地感到我们是统一体。
我们所有人都满怀信心地踏着自由的胜利之路前进。这并非因为这是不可避免的历史进程，而是因为人类的选择构成进步。我们并不认为我们的国家就是上帝的选民，上帝自有他的意志和选择。我们坚信这是因为自由是人类永恒的希望，是黑暗中的渴求，是灵魂深处的期盼。当我们的立国先贤宣布新时代的准则时，当一批批士兵为了保卫基于自由的联邦而牺牲时，当公民手举“立即自由”的横幅和平抗议时——他们在实践着那古老的希望，这希望一定会成为现实。虽然公正在历史上潮起潮落，但是历史也有一条清晰的脉络，那是由自由和自由的实践者确定的。
当独立宣言第一次对公众宣读、自由的钟声敲响，一个亲眼目睹的人这样说道：“它在鸣响着，似乎意味深长。”在我们的时代，这钟声依然意味深长。美国在这年轻的世纪向世界、向所有它的居民传播着自由。我们充满活力，我们经历过艰难的斗争，但并没有疲倦——我们已做好准备去完成自由史上最伟大的功绩。
上帝保佑你们，愿他眷顾美国。
(小布什在第二任期就职演说全文/2005年1月20日)
今天，按照宪法规定我们举行这个仪式。我们在此欢庆我国宪法常青的智慧，追寻我们团结全国的深切责任感。我感佩这个时刻带来的荣耀，意识到我们时代的期盼并期待着完成我的誓言，请你们做证。这是我们第二次聚会，我们的责任并非由我的讲演来确定，它源于我们当前历史时期的要求。半个世纪以来，美国在遥远的边界上捍卫着我们的自由；共产主义破产后我们有相对平静、懒散的岁月，而后是火光四射的那一天。
我们已明了自身的弱点，我们也深知其根源。只要世界某些区域酝酿着不满、滋生着暴君，就会产生宣扬仇恨和为屠杀寻找借口的意识形态，就会聚集暴力和毁灭的能量，它们会越过严密把守的边界带来毁灭的威胁。这个世界只存在一种力量可以冲决仇恨、揭露暴君的虚伪、扶植容忍、培育尊严，那就是人类的自由。
我们受常识的指引和历史的教诲，得出如下结论：自由是否能在我们的土地上存在，正日益依赖于自由在别国的胜利，对和平的热切期望只能源于自由在世界上的扩展。关系到美国生死存亡的利益和我们基本的信念合而为一。自立国始，我们就一直宣告：生于世间的每个男女都拥有他们的权利、尊严和无可比拟的价值，因为他们拥有创造天地之神的形像。我们的每一届政府，都重申着民有政权的重要性，因为没有什么人应该是主人而另一些人应该做奴隶。实现这一理念的使命是我们的立国之本，我们的先父荣耀地完成了这一使命。进一步扩展这一理念是国家安全的要求，是我们的当务之急。
因此，美国的政策是寻求并支持世界各国和各种文化背景下成长的民主运动，寻求并支持民主的制度化，最终的目标是终结世间的任何极权制度。这个目标最终不应由暴力达成。尽管在必要时，我们将以武力自卫，并保卫我们的朋友。自由的性质要求公民去自觉地选择它、捍卫它，并通过立法加以维护，同时保障弱者。当一个国家的人民最终选择自由时，它的制度将反映着不同于我们的文化和传统。美国将不会强迫任何国家接受我们的国家体制；我们的目的是帮助其他国家找到自己的声音、获得自身的自由，发现自己的自由之路。
终结专制统治的巨大使命是几代人努力的目标，其难度不是无所作为的借口。美国的影响有限，但值得庆幸的是，美国的影响也是有力的，我们将充满信心地在追求自由的道路上帮助你们。我最庄严的责任是保护我的国家和人民不再受到任何袭击和威胁。有些人不明智地选择了试探美国的决心，他们发现了我们坚定的意志。我们坚定地给每一个国家的统治者提出这样的选择：请在压迫---这终究是错的，与自由---这永远是正确的，之间做道义的选择。美国不会装模作样地默认被关押的异议者自我选择枷锁，也不会默认妇女成为可耻的代名词，看着她们变成奴仆，同样不会默认任何人类的一员仰人鼻息地生活。
我们将鼓励其它政府的改革，我们将明确表示与美国良好的关系要求他们善对自己的公民。美国对人的尊严的信念将指导我们的政策，但是人民权力并不是源于**者违心的让步，它们应该源于人民反对的自由和被统治者的平等参与。从长远看，没有自由，就没有正义，没有人类的自由就不存在人权。
我知道，有些人质疑全球自由，尽管经过40年自由迅猛的发展，这个怀疑似乎不合时宜。美国全体人民不应被我们理念的力量所惊吓。最终，自由呼唤将发自每一个心灵。我们拒绝接受永恒的专制，因为我们拒绝接受永久的奴役，自由将来到热爱她的人们中间。
今天，美国向世界各国人民重申：那些生活在专制下绝望的人民应该知道，美利坚合众国不会漠视你们被压迫，不会姑息你们的压迫者。当你们挺起胸膛保卫自己的自由时，美国将站在你们一边。那些面对着压制、监狱和流放的民主斗士应该知道，美国知道你们的潜力：你们是你们未来自由国家的领袖。那些无法无天的统治者应该知道，我们仍然抱有林肯总统的信念：“那些剥夺他人自由的人不配享有自由；在公正的上帝面前，这种人的统治也不会长久。”那些习惯于控制人民的统治者应该知道，为了服务你的人民你应该给予他们信任；开始踏上进步和正义之路，那样，美国将站在你这一边。美国的所有盟友们应该知道：我们珍视我们的友谊，我们尊重你们的建议，我们依赖于你们的帮助。分裂自由国家的团结是自由敌人的目的，自由国家相互配合地推进民主是我们的敌人失败的开始。
今天,我也要对我的同胞、公民们说：我要求得到你们所有人的耐心，保卫国家安全是艰巨的任务，这样的耐心你们已经给予我很多了。我们的国家承担着一个困难重重的义务，中途放弃是可耻的。正是因为我们继续着我们国家解放者的传统，成千上万的人们获得了自由。希望催生新的希望，越来越多的人将获得自由（的圣火）。通过我们的努力，我们点燃了自由的火种，那火种在人们心中，温暖着感受它力量的人们，烧毁那些试图阻挠自由的羁绊；终有一天，这永不熄灭的自由之火将照亮这个世界最阴暗的角落。一些美国人已经接受这个事业中最困难的工作---那些默默无闻的情报和外交工作……这种理想主义激励他们帮助自由政府的工作……那些打击我们的敌人危险而必要的工作。他们中的一些人献出了生命，他们的国家永远以他们为荣---我们也会永远记住他们的名字和他们的贡献。
所有的美国人都见证了这种理想主义，有些人是第一次看到，我要求我们的青年相信自己的观察。你们看到了我们士兵们充满责任和忠诚的坚毅面孔，你们也看到了生命的脆弱和魔鬼的真实，你们更看到了战胜的勇气。请选择参加这一进程，它比起个人需要重要得多，比个人伟大得多。一旦轮到你们，你们不但增加了我们国家的财富，也将为她增添光彩。
美国需要理想主义和勇气，因为我们要完成国内的任务。美国自由的未竞之业，在一个走向自由的世界里，我们要展示自由的真义和自由的承诺。在美国自由的信念里，公民享有尊严和经济上的独立，不是生活在潦倒的边缘。这是更广义自由的定义，它促生了《房屋法案》、《社会安全法案》和《人权法案》。现在，我们将改革形成伟大的制度来服务于我们的时代，并扩展这一定义。每个美国人将分享国家的承诺和未来。我们将用最高的标准来要求我们的学校，建立一个有产者的社会。我们要让更多的人拥有自己的住房和事业、拥有自己的退休基金和医疗保险(注：不要错误理解为美国没有这种保险，他在推销他的改革计划)。让我们的人民对自由社会未来的挑战做好准备，让每个公民做他自己命运的主人。我们将把美国人民从匮乏和担忧中解脱，并把我们的社会建成更为富强平等的社会。
在美国的自由信念中，公共利益依赖于个人品质，这包括完善的人格、宽容忍让的品性和有理性的生活。说到底，民主依赖于良好的自我管理。良好的个人品德的大厦奠基于于家庭内，由高质量的邻里和社区关系来支撑和约束，并在国家生活里贯彻始终。它依赖于西奈箴言（十戒）、登山宝训、可兰经的教诲，以及各种各样的信仰的滋养。每一代美国人都传承了上一代的真与善，并籍此不断前进——任时光流转，公正的理想和正义的行为，昨天、今天、将来，都始终如一。在美国自由的信念中，个人权力的运用是由服务、宽容和对弱者的同情构成的。人人享有自由并不意味着人人隔膜疏离。我们国家依赖于那些呵护邻里、关爱失意者的男男女女。美国人最好的表现在于珍视每一个人的生活，必须永远记住即使是那些被遗弃的无用之人也有他们的价值。我国一定要抛弃一切种族主义的偏见，因为我们不能在传播自由的观念时，依然背着偏见的包袱。
从每一天看，就以今天为例，我们国家面临着诸多问题。从一个世纪看，我们面对的问题是集中而突出的。我们这一代有没有拓展自由的疆界？我们的所作所为有没有为这事业增添光彩？这些问题是我们的裁判，也团结了我们。因为无论是何党派、自我选择或是否出生于此，美国人在自由的道路上是不可分离的。我们知道分裂必须弥合，我们才能向伟大的目标前进，我将做出最大的努力去弥合分裂。但是这种裂痕不能左右美国。当自由受到威胁时，我们深感相互的团结和关联，我们的反击也如出自同手一心。当美国仗义而行、当灾民们得到救助、当正义得到伸张、当人民获得自由，我们也同样自豪地感到我们是统一体。
我们所有人都满怀信心地踏着自由的胜利之路前进。这并非因为这是不可避免的历史进程，而是因为人类的选择构成进步。我们并不认为我们的国家就是上帝的选民，上帝自有他的意志和选择。我们坚信这是因为自由是人类永恒的希望，是黑暗中的渴求，是灵魂深处的期盼。当我们的立国先贤宣布新时代的准则时，当一批批士兵为了保卫基于自由的联邦而牺牲时，当公民手举“立即自由”的横幅和平抗议时——他们在实践着那古老的希望，这希望一定会成为现实。虽然公正在历史上潮起潮落，但是历史也有一条清晰的脉络，那是由自由和自由的实践者确定的。
当独立宣言第一次对公众宣读、自由的钟声敲响，一个亲眼目睹的人这样说道：“它在鸣响着，似乎意味深长。”在我们的时代，这钟声依然意味深长。美国在这年轻的世纪向世界、向所有它的居民传播着自由。我们充满活力，我们经历过艰难的斗争，但并没有疲倦——我们已做好准备去完成自由史上最伟大的功绩。
上帝保佑你们，愿他眷顾美国。
订阅：
评论 (Atom)
